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Author: 


Savage,  Marion  Dutton 


Title: 


Industrial  unionism  in 
America 

Place: 

New  York 

Date: 

1922 


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Industrial  unionism  in  America,  by  Marion  Dutton  Savage 
...    New  York,  The  Ronald  press  company,  ld22. 


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INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 
IN  AMERICA 


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By 
MARION    DUTTON   SAVAGE,    Ph.D. 

Foimeily   Instiuctor   in  the  Department  of 
Economics  and  Sociology,  Wellesley  College 


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PREFACE 


In  this  study  the  author  has  assumed  on  the  part  of 
readers  some  knowledge  of  the  numerous  reasons  for  the 
existence  of  the  labor  movement,  and  has  not  sought  to 
justify  or  condemn  the  fact  of  organization  among  the 
workers.  Instead,  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  describe 
and  evaluate  one  type  of  unionism,  with  its  many  varia- 
tions, and  to  consider  the  direction  in  which  organized 
labor  seems  to  be  moving.  Thanks  are  due  to  the  officials 
of  the  different  unions  described  for  the  valuable  in- 
formation which  they  have  furnished  in  personal  inter- 
views and  by  correspondence;  to  Mr.  Robert  Dunn  for 
helpful  criticism;  to  Professor  Henry  R.  Seager  and 
Professor  Samuel  McCune  Lindsay,  of  Columbia  Univer- 
sity, for  their  careful  reading  of  the  manuscript  and 
many  useful  suggestions ;  and  to  many  other  students  of 
the  labor  movement  for  additional  light  upon  the  subject. 

Marion  Button  Savage 
New  York, 

April  I,  1922. 


i'i 


m 


CONTENTS 


Chapter  Page 

Introduction 3 

Part  I — Industrial  Unionism  Within  the 
American   Federation  of  Labor 

I    Tendencies  toward  Industrial  Unionism  in 

THE  American  Federation  of  Labor  ...      2"] 

II    Industrial   Unionism    in   the   Brewing   In- 
dustry      61 

III  Industrial  Unionism  among  the  Coal  Miners      81 

IV  Industrial    Unionism     among     the    Metal 

Miners 120 

Part  II — Revolutionary  Industrial  Unionism 
Including  Workers  of  All  Industries 

V    The  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  .    .    143 

VI    The  One  Big  Union 176 

Part  III — Independent  Industrial  Unionism 

VII    Industrial   Unionism   in   the  Garment   In- 
dustry      205 

VIII    Industrial   Unionism    in    the   Textile    In- 
dustry      250 

IX  Industrial  Unionism  in  Various  Other  In- 

dustries       277 

X  Conclusion 307 

Bibliography 329 


Industrial  Unionism 
IN  America 


INTRODUCTION 


What  Industrial  Unionism  Is 

To  the  average  person  the  term  "industrial  union" 
means   little.     To   some   it   is   synonymous   with   "trade 
union";  to  others  it  suggests  the  Industrial  Workers  of 
the  World  and  arouses  the  hostility  which  is  the  usual  re- 
action to  any  mention  of  that  organization.    If  industrial 
unionism  is  not  identical  with  either  of  these,  what  then 
is  it?    Broadly  speaking,  the  industrial  union  differs  from 
other  unions  in  that  it  includes  all  who  work  in  an  indus- 
try, skilled  and  unskilled,  regardless  of  differences  in  craft, 
sex,  or  race.    Whereas  the  craft  union  seeks  to  unite  those 
using  the  same  tools  or  doing  the  same  kind  of  work  with 
approximately  the  same  degree  of   skill,  the  industrial 
union  seeks  to  unite  all  who  are  engaged  upon  a  certain 
product  or  class  of  products,  regardless  of  the  character 
of  the  service  which  they  render.    In  the  case  of  the  rail- 
road industry,  the  word  "product"  would  be  interpreted 
as  meaning  the  service  of  transportaton ;  and  an  industrial 
union  in  that  field  would  include  all  who  are  in  any  way 
connected  with  the  running  of  trains,  the  maintenance  of 
the  tracks  in  good  condition,  telegraphing  and  signaling, 
and  all  other  work  in  connection  with  the  railroads.    One 
of  the  strongest  of  our  industrial  unions,  the  United  Mine 
Workers,  includes  all  working  in  and  around  the  mines, 
whether  they  be  teamsters,  firemen,  blacksmiths,  car  dump- 
ers, slate  pickers,   miners,   or   men   engaged   in   various 
other  occupations  connected  with  the  industry.    It  is  diffi- 
cult to  draw  hard-and-fast  lines  between  the  craft  and 
the  industrial  union,  for  as  will  be  noted  in  the  following 

3 


4  INTRODUCTION 

chapter  there  are  many  intermediate  steps  between  them, 
and  the  majority  of  the  unions  in  this  country  are  not 
pure  representatives  of  either  type.  Nevertheless  it  is 
worth  while  to  make  plain  what  the  two  types  are,  and 
what  the  forces  tending  toward  one  or  the  other  form 
of  organization  may  be. 

The  Spirit  of  Industrial  Unionism 

If  the  difference  between  them  was  merely  one  of 
structure  we  might  dismiss  the  matter  as  one  of  little 
interest  for  the  general  public,  but  the  difference  in  spirit 
and  philosophy  is  usually  quite  as  great  as  that  in  form 
of    organization.      It    is    this    difference    in    spirit    and 
general  outlook  which  is  the  significant  thing  about  in- 
dustrial  unionism.      Including   as   it   does   all   types   of 
workers,  from  the  common  laborer  to  the  most  highly 
skilled  craftsman,  the  industrial  union  is  based  on  the  con- 
ception of  the  solidarity  of  labor,  or  at  least  of  that 
portion  of  it  which  is  in  one  particular  industry.    Instead 
of  emphasizing  the   divisions   among   the  workers  and 
fostering  a  narrow  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  craft  re- 
gardless of  those  of  the  industry  as  a  whole,  it  lays  stress 
on  the  mutual  dependence  of  the  skilled  and  the  unskilled 
and   the  necessity  of   subordinating   the   interests  of   a 
small  group  to  those  of  the  whole  body  of  workers.    Not 
only  is  loyalty  to  fellow-workers  in  the  same  industry 
emphasized,  but  also  loyalty  to  the  whole  working  class 
in  its  struggle  against  the  capitalist  system.     Although 
there  are  a  few  industrial  unions  in  this  country  which 
have  little  of  this  class  consciousness,  the  majority  of 
them  are  distinctly  hoping  for  the  abolition  of  the  capi- 
talist system  and  the  ultimate  control  of  industry  by  the 
workers  themselves.    In  some  cases  the  conception  of  how 
this  is  to  be  brought  about  is  very  vague ;  in  others  there 


INTRODUCTION  $ 

is  a  fairly  clear-cut  theory  as  to  how  the  change  in  the 
industrial  order  is  to  come.  Budish  and  Soule  in  a  recent 
book  called  The  New  Unionism  state  that  the  essential 
difference  between  unions  is  that  between  those  which  are 
"unconscious  that  their  efforts  tend  toward  a  new  social 
order,  and  so  adapt  their  strategy  solely  toward  the  im- 
mediate situation,  and  unions  which  are  conscious  of  their 
desire  for  a  new  order  and  so  base  their  strategy  on  more 
fundamental  considerations."  *  The  latter  type  they  call 
the  "new  unionism."  This  term,  though  frequently  used, 
is  somewhat  misleading,  as  unions  which  looked  forward  to 
a  new  industrial  order  and  sought  to  unite  the  skilled  and 
the  unskilled,  sprang  up  very  early  in  the  labor  movement 
of  both  England  and  America;  but  it  may  serve  for  lack 
of  a  better  one.  The  strategy  of  the  various  unions  which 
are  conscious  of  their  desire  for  a  new  order  is  not  always 
determined  by  this  ultimate  aim,  but  nevertheless  there 
is  a  real  difference  between  organizations  which  do  not 
look  beyond  the  securing  of  immediate  advantages  for 
their  members,  and  those  which  are  definitely  expecting 
the  day  when  industry  shall  be  owned  and  run  by  the 
workers.  Although  it  is  not  strictly  accurate  to  identify 
industrial  unionism  with  this  "new  unionism,"  such  a 
large  proportion  of  industrial  unions  have  this  hope  that 
the  few  which  are  without  it  may  be  considered  industrial 
in  structure  but  not  in  spirit. 

Industrial  Unionism  in  England — Its  Rise 

The  development  of  industrial  unionism  in  England 
has  been  so  significant  that  we  cannot  refrain  from  con- 
sidering it  briefly  before  turning  to  conditions  in  America. 
The  formation  of  the  Triple  Alliance  by  the  Miners' 
Federation,  the  National  Union  of  Railwaymen,  and  the 

»  Budish  and  Soule,  The  New  Unionism  (New  York,  1920),  p.  10. 


INTRODUCTION 


INTRODUCTION 


National  Transport  Workers*  Federation  in  19 14,  the  pro- 
gram for  nationalization  of  mines  and  railroads,  and  the 
threat  of  a  general  strike  in  support  of  the  miners  in  the 
spring  of  192 1,  have  stirred  the  imagination  of  thousands 
in  this  country  and  elsewhere.  Without  some  knowledge 
of  the  rapid  progress  of  events  in  the  labor  movement 
across  the  water,  we  cannot  hope  to  understand  the  various 
currents  in  the  labor  world  of  America. 

The  first  significant  expression  in  England  of  the 
spirit  of  industrial  unionism  and  the  aspiration  of  the 
workers  for  the  control  of  industry  was  in  the  wave  of 
revolutionary  communism  which  swept  the  country  in 
1833-34  under  the  inspiration  of  Robert  Owen.  The 
Grand  Consolidated  Trade  Union  formed  at  that  time 
recruited  masses  of  the  unskilled  as  well  as  of  the  skilled, 
and  within  a  few  weeks  had  half  a  million  members 
from  many  different  industries.*  The  amazing  growth 
of  the  movement  and  its  revolutionary  hopes  terrified 
the  government  and  the  employing  class,  and  roused  such 
opposition  that  in  only  a  few  months  the  whole  thing 
had  collapsed.  The  ideals  of  the  movement  lingered  on 
for  a  time,  but  after  the  decline  of  Chartism,  British 
trade  unions  settled  down  to  seek  very  limited  ends, 
tacitly  accepting  the  existing  organization  of  industry 
and  being  content  to  include  only  the  skilled  workers  in 
their  ranks.  A  new  movement  among  the  unskilled 
occurred  in  the  late  eighties  and  resulted  in  the  great  dock 
strike  of  1889,  which  under  the  leadership  of  Tom  Mann 
and  John  Burns  paralyzed  the  port  of  London  for  over 
four  weeks.  The  decided  victory  which  was  finally  won 
led  to  the  formation  of  a  large  number  of  unions  among 
unskilled  laborers,  and  the  opening  of  the  doors  of  many 
old  unions  to  them.     This  "new  unionism,"  as  it  was 


'Webb,  History  of  Trade  Unionism  (London,   1920),  p.   135. 


then  christened,  was  distinctly  class  conscious  and  vaguely 
Socialistic  in  its  aims.  It  did  not  seek  to  overthrow 
existing  organizations,  however,  but  to  sweep  into  them 
great  masses  of  hitherto  unorganized  workers  and  break 
down  the  selfish  spirit  of  exclusiveness  which  dominated 
them.'  Although  in  the  succeeding  depression  large 
numbers  of  the  unskilled  fell  away  from  the  unions,  the 
new  spirit  of  solidarity  remained. 

The  Transport  Workers  and  Railwaymen 

The  development  of  industrial  unionism  in  England 
has  been  chiefly  by  means  of  the  drawing  together  of 
different  craft  unions  into  larger  units,  rather  than  by 
building  up  competing  unions  on  an  industrial  basis.  The 
movement  toward  federation  or  amalgamation  of  all  the 
craft  bodies  in  an  industry  has  been  very  strong  in  the 
last  decade,  due  partly  to  the  influence  of  Guild  Social- 
ists and  similar  groups,  who  are  in  favor  of  industrial 
unionism  not  so  much  for  its  immediate  advantages,  as 
because  they  believe  that  only  in  this  form  can  unions 
express  the  aspirations  of  the  workers  for  the  control 
of  industry.  The  mining,  railroad,  transport,  and  en- 
gineering industries  furnish  the  best  illustrations  of  the 
process  that  is  going  on.  The  National  Transport 
Workers*  Federation,  which  was  formed  in  191 1  after 
the  great  dockers'  strike  of  that  year,  unites  numerous 
bodies  of  seamen,  coal  porters,  lighters,  dockers,  carmen, 
stevedores,  and  other  workers  in  waterside  transport 
work.  The  National  Union  of  Railwaymen  was  formed 
in  191 3  by  a  merging  of  three  of  the  principal  railroad 
unions  which  had  acted  together  in  the  strike  of  191 1. 
The  Railway  Clerks*  Association  works  in  harmony  with 
this  organization,  although  it  has  not  yet  joined  it.     A 

•Webb,  op.  cit.,  p.  418. 


8 


INTRODUCTION 


third  body,  the  Associated  Society  of  Locomotive  En- 
gineers and  Firemen,  has  hampered  the  National  Union 
somewhat,  ahhough  it  cooperated  with  it  in  the  great 
railroad  strike  of  191 9.  The  strike,  in  which  half  a 
million  men  went  out  and  disorganized  the  railroad  ser- 
vice of  the  country  for  nine  days,  was  settled  through 
the  mediation  of  the  other  members  of  the  Triple  Alli- 
ance. The  aim  of  the  National  Union  of  Railwaymen  is 
to  secure  a  complete  organization  of  all  connected  with 
the  railroads  in  any  way,  including  not  merely  those 
working  on  the  trains  but  also  the  mechanics  in  the 
workshops;  cooks,  waiters,  and  housemaids  employed  at 
railroad  hotels ;  sailors  and  firemen  on  board  the  steamers 
owned  by  the  railroads;  compositors,  lithographers,  and 
bookbinders  employed  in  printing  tickets  and  time- 
tables; and  even  the  men  whom  one  of  the  largest  com- 
panies keeps  in  constant  employment  manufacturing 
crutches  and  wooden  legs  for  disabled  members  of  the 
staff.*  This  has  brought  the  organization  into  conflict  with 
many  craft  unions,  and  the  problems  of  jurisdiction  have 
not  yet  been  settled.  The  membership  of  the  union  was 
said  to  be  about  450,000  in  1920.'*  For  years  it  has 
advocated  nationalization  of  the  railroads  and  direct  par- 
ticipation in  the  management  of  them  by  the  workers. 


The  Miners'  Federation 

The  third  member  of  the  famous  Triple  Alliance,  the 
Miners'  Federation,  had  a  membership  of  about  900,000 
in  1920.*  It  was  established  in  1888,  and  since  then  has 
gradually  absorbed  all  the  district  associations  of  coal 
hewers  and  other  underground  workers,  and  some  of  the 
organizations   of   enginemen,    firemen,    mine   mechanics, 


•Webb,  op.  eit.,  p.  53a. 

•  Gleaaon,  What  the  Worktrs  Want  (New  York,   1920),  p.  jij. 

•  W«bb,  op.  cit.,  p.  S49. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

colliery  clerks,  cokemen,  and  other  workers  employed  in 
or  about  the  mines.  There  were  still  about  forty  small 
independent  unions  of  men  about  the  mines  in  1920, 
however,  and  some  of  these  had  formed  a  National 
Council  of  Colliery  Workers  Other  than  Miners  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  a  separate  existence.  As  its 
name  suggests,  the  Miners'  Federation  is  only  a  federa- 
tion of  autonomous  district  associations,  yet  it  has  been 
very  successful  in  centralizing  the  general  policy  of  the 
whole  mining  industry,  through  a  strong  Executive  Com- 
mittee and  frequent  conferences.  It  has  for  several 
years  been  working  vigorously  for  the  nationalization  of 
the  mines,  and  has  presented  a  detailed  scheme  for  their 
administration  by  means  of  a  mining  council,  district 
councils,  and  pit  committees,  all  of  which  are  to  be  com- 
posed of  an  equal  number  of  miners  and  of  technical 
experts.  A  general  strike  to  enforce  this  and  other 
demands  was  averted  in  19 19  only  by  the  appointment 
of  a  government  Commission  to  investigate  the  industry 
and  make  recommendations  in  regard  to  it.  The  hearings 
held  by  the  Commission,  which  included  three  miners 
and  three  economists  appointed  by  the  miners  as  well  as 
six  representatives  of  capital,  brought  forth  many  sensa- 
tional facts  in  regard  to  the  ineflFiciency  of  the  management 
of  the  industry  under  private  hands,  and  the  large  profits 
made  by  the  most  advantageously  situated  mines.  The 
final  report  presented  by  Justice  Sankey,  chairman  of 
the  Commission,  and  supported  in  general  by  the  six 
representatives  of  the  miners,  declared  for  the  nationali- 
zation of  the  mines  and  a  system  of  control  in  which  the 
workers  were  to  have  a  large  share. 


Coal  Strike  of  1921 

Although  the  miners  claim  that  Lloyd  George  had 
promised  beforehand  that  the  recommendations  of  the 


10 


INTRODUCTION 


Commission  would  be  carried  out  by  the  government, 
which  was  still  directing  the  mines  under  its  war  powers, 
these    recommendations    were   not   adopted,    but   certain 
compromises   were   offered   instead.     The   miners   have 
continued  to  be  dissatisfied  in  spite  of  the  wage  conces- 
sions granted  at  that  time,  and  those  which  followed  the 
brief  strike  of  1920.    When  the  government  gave  up  its 
control  of  the  mines  on  March  31,  1921,  thereby  putting 
an  end  to  the  system  of  regulating  wages  on  a  national 
rather  than  a  district  basis,  and  the  system  of  pooling  the 
profits  by  which  the  poorer  mines  had  been  able  to  keep 
going  by  sharing  the  profits  of  the  richer  ones,  the  trouble 
broke  out  anew  and  a  strike  of  all  the  miners  in  the  coun- 
try was  called.    Although  the  immediate  demands  were  for 
the  maintenance  of  a  national  standard  of  wages  which 
would  be  adequate  for  decent  living,  and  the  continuance 
of  the  national  pooling  of  profits,  it  was  understood  that 
this  was  only  a  step  toward  the  nationalization  which  was 
desired  by  the  miners.    The  other  members  of  the  Triple 
Alliance,  and  some  other  labor  groups,  voted  to  join  in  a 
general  strike  in  support  of  the  miners,  and  for  a  few 
days  it  looked  as  if  this  powerful  coalition  was  about  to 
put  all  industry   in  England  at  a  standstill.     The  day 
before  the  railroad  and  transport  workers  were  to  go 
out,   however,   the   miners'   spokesman,    Frank    Hodges, 
expressed  willingness   to  postpone  consideration  of   the 
national  standard  of  wages  and  pooling  of  profits  if  a 
temporary  wage  agreement  might  be  reached.    This  pro- 
posal was  at  once  repudiated  by  the  other  members  of 
the    Miners'   Executive,    but   the   difference   of    opinion 
undermined   the  determination   of   the  allied   unions  to 
support  the  miners,  and  as  a  result  the  general   strike 
order    was   canceled.      This    cancellation    aroused    much 
indignation  on  the  part  of  certain  groups  of  railroad  and 


INTRODUCTION 


II 


transport  workers,  especially  in  South  Wales,  and  much 
resentment  among  the  miners. 

The  breakdown  of  the  Triple  Alliance  at  its  first 
crucial  test  was  a  bitter  disappointment  to  those  who  had 
seen  in  it  the  greatest  sign  of  working  class  solidarity 
yet  found  in  the  labor  movement.  Nevertheless,  the  un- 
willingness of  the  railroad  and  transport  workers  to  enter 
into  a  pitched  battle  with  the  forces  of  government  at 
this  time— for  that  is  what  it  would  have  meant— over 
an  issue  which  did  not  affect  them  very  directly,  does 
not  mean  that  all  prospect  of  united  action  by  these  three 
groups  in  the  future  is  lost.  In  fact,  not  long  after  the 
decision  to  call  off  the  general  strike,  the  executives  of 
both  the  railwaymen  and  the  transport  workers  were 
reported  to  have  given  instructions  against  handling  any 
coal  from  overseas,  or  moving  coal  trucks  from  colliery 
sidings,  thus  showing  that  they  had  not  wholly  repudiated 
the  stand  taken  by  the  miners.  The  strike  finally  ended 
in  a  compromise  after  three  months  of  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  government  to  bring  about  a  settlement,  and  the 
men  went  back  to  work  under  a  scheme  of  profit-sharing 
and  a  government  subsidy  of  10,000,000  pounds,  but 
without  the  national  pooling  of  profits  which  they  had 
sought,  or  any  plan  for  permanent  government  control. 

Engineering  Trades  and  Shop  Stewards 

Another  instance  of  the  development  of  industrial 
unionism  is  seen  in  the  engineering  trades  in  England. 
The  Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers  in  1912  decided 
to  reach  out  to  the  vast  numbers  of  semi-skilled  men  who 
had  entered  the  industry,  and  admit  practically  all  workers 
in  the  engineering  shops  into  the  union.  Due  to  the 
opposition  of  many  of  its  branches,  this  decision  was 
reversed  in  191 5,  but  nevertheless  the  movement  in  favor 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


of  a  wider  organization  continued.  In  1920  six  of  the 
unions  in  the  industry  joined  with  the  Amalgamated 
Society  in  forming  the  Amalgamated  Engineering  Union, 
with  a  membership  of  400,000;  and  several  other  engin- 
eering groups  were  considering  affiliation.^ 

It  is  in  this  industry  that  the  shop  stewards  movement 
first  developed  in  191 5,  because  of  discontent  with  the 
executive  officers  of  the  unions  and  their  rigid  craft  policy. 
In  some  cases  minor  union  officials  who  were  known  as 
stewards  greatly  enlarged  their  functions;  in  others  new 
stewards  were  elected  regardless  of  craft  or  union  affilia- 
tion. Workshop  committees  were  made  up  of  the  stewards 
elected  by  different  departments,  and  these  sent  delegates 
to  the  general  workers'  committees,  which  sprang  up  first 
on  the  Clyde  and  then  appeared  in  many  other  places. 
Starting  with  the  engineering  and  metal  trades,  these 
workers'  committees  expanded  to  include  building 
workers,  miners,  tramway  workers,  railwaymen,  and 
various  others.  About  twenty  such  committees  in  Eng- 
land have  been  coordinated  in  a  national  organization,  and 
about  a  dozen  in  Scotland.*  They  have  come  into  con- 
flict with  the  regular  trade  unions,  which  have  tried  to 
bring  the  stewards  under  official  control,  and  have  suf- 
fered somewhat  from  their  opposition,  as  might  be 
expected.  No  final  settlement  of  the  controversy  has  yet 
been  reached.  The  Webbs  call  the  shop  stewards  move- 
ment "a  ferment  rather  than  a  statistically  important 
element  in  the  trade  union  world";  yet  as  an  indication 
of  a  tendency  it  is  decidedly  significant.®  The  principles 
underlying  the  movement  are  the  control  of  policy  and 
action  by  the  rank  and  file  in  the  workshop,  and  the 


'Webb,  op.  cit,  p.  487. 

•  Gleason,  op.  cit.,  p.  1^9,  chapter  by  J.  T.  Murphy  on  Shop  Stewardi. 

•  Webb,  op.  cit.,  p.  659,  note. 


INTRODUCTION 


13 


uniting  of  all  kinds  of  workers  on  an  industrial  rather 
than  a  craft  basis.  It  aims  at  a  greatly  increased  share 
in  the  management  of  industry  through  the  organization 
of  the  whole  working  class,  until  the  complete  triumph 
of  the  workers  is  assured.  The  leaders  of  the  movement 
are  proposing  the  forming  of  district  and  national  coun- 
cils in  each  industry,  and  also  general  councils  to  include 
representatives  of  all  industries.  A  recent  step  taken  by 
the  organization  was  to  affiliate  loosely  with  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World  in  America. 

Groups  for  Syndicalist  Propaganda 

Many  of  the  leaders  in  the  shop  stewards  movement 
are  also  moving  spirits  in  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  of 
Great  Britain,  which  has  been  preaching  industrial  union- 
ism for  years  and  has  been  especially  influential  in  the 
Clyde  district  and  in  South  Wales.  Through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  party,  various  experiments  in  industrial 
unionism  have  been  made  and  groups  for  vigorous  propa- 
ganda organized.  In  1910,  Tom  Mann,  who  had  become 
prominent  in  the  dockers'  strike  of  1889,  returned  from 
a  visit  to  France  and  began  to  preach  the  syndicalist  ideas 
which  he  had  absorbed  over  there,  saying  that  the  workers 
must  organize  industrially  and  take  over  the  entire  re- 
sponsibility of  running  industry.  He  helped  organize  the 
Industrial  Workers  of  Great  Britain,  later  known  as 
the  Workers*  International  Industrial  Union,  which  like 
the  American  I.W.W.  intended  to  be  an  all-embracing 
union  of  the  working  class.  It  never  secured  more  than 
4,000  members,  however.^®  The  British  working  class 
have  not  responded  to  any  extent  to  the  attempt  to  build 
up  radical  industrial  unions  as  rivals  to  the  well-established 
trade  organizations.    Even  Tom  Mann  himself  has  de- 

••Gleason,  op.  ci*.,  p.  aoa. 


14 


INTRODUCTION 


INTRODUCTION 


IS 


cided  that  the  only  way  to  spread  industrial  unionism  is 
to  work  through  the  old  craft  bodies  and  endeavor  to 
amalgamate  them,  and  has  accordingly  become  president 
of  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers.  As  has 
already  been  noted,  the  progress  which  has  been  made 
in  this  direction,  and  the  increasing  demand  for  workers' 
control  of  industry  on  the  part  of  the  strongest  amalgam- 
ations, is  very  marked. 

The  Knights  of  Labor — Origin  and  Structure 

Turning  back  to  America  we  must  consider  first  the 
Noble  Order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  which  arose  in 
Philadelphia  in  1869.  Ahhough  it  is  not  our  purpose 
to  describe  in  detail  the  various  industrial  unions  which 
have  arisen  and  then  died  down  again,  the  historical  im- 
portance of  the  Knights  of  Labor  is  so  great  that  we 
cannot  go  on  to  speak  of  the  unions  which  are  function- 
ing at  the  present  time  without  some  mention  of  this 
organization  which  represents  a  distinct  type  in  the  labor 
movement.  It  was  an  outgrowth  of  a  union  of  garment 
cutters,  which  decided  to  open  its  doors  to  other  workers. 
Workers  of  other  trades  were  admitted  at  first  as  associate 
members,  but  when  they  were  familiar  with  the  aims  of 
the  society  they  were  allowed  to  form  affiliated  groups 
known  as  "assemblies"  in  their  own  trades.  The  second 
assembly  was  organized  of  ship  carpenters,  and  the  third 
of  shawl  weavers.  The  growth  of  the  Order  was  steady, 
and  by  the  close  of  1876  there  were  over  one  hundred 
such  assemblies.  Besides  these  trade  groups,  many  mixed 
assemblies  of  different  kinds  of  workers  were  organized, 
and  some  separate  ones  for  negroes.  In  1873  the  first 
district  assembly,  uniting  thirty-one  locals,  was  formed; 
and  in  1878  a  national  organization  known  as  the  General 
Assembly,  with  delegates  from  seven  states  and  fifteen 


trades,  came  into  being.^^  The  district  assemblies  were 
chiefly  of  mixed  workers  in  the  earlier  years.  An  increas- 
ing demand  on  the  part  of  the  skilled  workers  to  separate 
from  the  mixed  district  assemblies,  which  seemed  too 
broad  in  their  sympathies,  caused  the  authorization  of  na- 
tional trade  assemblies  in  1884  to  further  the  interests  of 
the  separate  crafts.  Such  national  trade  groups  had  been 
strictly  forbidden  before  this,  and  were  still  discouraged 
for  some  time,  as  they  seemed  to  be  contrary  to  the  all- 
inclusive  spirit  of  the  organization.^^  All  of  them  were 
subordinate  to  the  General  Assembly,  which  had  a  large 
degree  of  power. 

Ideals  and  Aims 

The  aim  of  Uriah  Stevens,  the  founder  of  the  Order, 
was  to  include  all  branches  of  workers,  skilled  and  un- 
skilled, in  one  great  brotherhood  whose  watchword  was, 
"an  injury  to  one  is  the  concern  of  all."  The  ideals  and 
purposes  of  the  Knights  were  very  high.  They  looked 
forward  to  the  end  of  the  wage  system,  but  nevertheless 
declared  that  they  had  no  conflict  with  legitimate  enter- 
prise or  necessary  capital.  They  hoped  to  bring  about 
a  better  state  of  society  by  means  of  the  federation  of 
all  productive  labor,  in  order  to  promote  cooperation  and 
political  action  for  the  benefit  of  the  workers.  All 
separate  craft  interests  were  to  be  subordinated  to  the 
welfare  of  the  whole,  and  all  were  to  work  together  in 
building  a  new  social  order.  Not  only  manual  workers, 
but  people  of  widely  differing  ranks  were  included. 
In  fact,  only  lawyers,  bankers,  professional  gamblers, 
stock-brokers,  and  those  who  dealt  in  intoxicating  liquors 

"  Groat,  Organixed  Labor  in  America  (New  York,  1916),  p.  75. 
a  I  '(New°yS?k*°?  Associates,  History  of  Labor  in  the  United  States,  Vol. 


x6 


INTRODUCTION 


were  definitely  excluded,  though  a  later  regulation  stated 
that  at  least  three-quarters  of  the  members  of  new  locals 
must  be  of  the  wage-earning  class.  Although  aimmg  to 
draw  in  all  grades  of  workers,  in  reality  the  Order 
reached  largely  the  semi-skilled  workmen  and  machme 
operators  who  were  not  reached  by  other  unions.  This 
was  especially  true  during  the  depression  in  1884-85  when 
multitudes  of  semi-skilled  and  unskilled  workers,  who 
were  seriously  af!ected  by  unemployment  and  wage  re- 
ductions, were  drawn  into  the  movement.  With  this  new 
influx,  it  has  been  said,  the  idea  of  solidarity  of  labor 
ceased  to  be  a  mere  form  of  words  and  became  vital." 

Growth  and  Decline 

For  a  time  the  prospects  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
seemed  very  brilliant.  Its  growth  up  to  1886,  especially 
after  it  gave  up  its  policy  of  secrecy,  was  unprecedented. 
During  that  year  its  membership  increased  from  15,000 
to  700,000."  After  that  it  lost  its  hold  on  the  unskilled 
workers,  and  began  to  decline.  Its  strenuous  efforts  to 
absorb  the  existing  trade  unions  of  skilled  workers,  in 
order  that  they  might  help  in  uplifting  others,  failed  to 
succeed,  and  even  the  semi-skilled  themselves  steadily 
'  drifted  into  the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  The 
organization  continued  to  decline  till  it  became  largely  an 
association  of  country  people— mechanics,  small  mer- 
chants, and  farmers,  with  a  decidedly  middle  class 
philosophy. 

Causes  of  Decline 

Various  causes  for  this  decline  have  been  given.  For 
one  thing,  the  experiments  in  cooperation  which  were 
entered   into   proved   disappointing,    and   many    failures 

^  Commons  and   Associate!,  op.   cit..  Vol.   a,  p.    357- 
^*Ibid.,  p.   413. 


INTRODUCTION 


X7 


occurred  due  to  lack  of  business  experience,  opposition  of 
capitalists  who  viewed  the  movement  with  hostility,  jeal- 
ousies and  suspicion  of  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the 
rank  and  file  and  various  other  causes.  Many  such  co- 
operative ventures  were  started  by  the  Order — fifty-four 
cooperative  workshops  and  factories  and  eleven  news- 
papers were  reported  in  1887 — ^and  the  financial  loss  due  to 
the  numerous  failures  was  very  heavy .^"^  The  political 
activity  carried  on  by  the  Knights  was  also  a  source  of 
internal  dissension  and  helped  to  dissipate  the  energies  of 
the  organization.  Many  municipal  elections  were  won  by 
the  candidates  of  the  Knights,  and  in  1888  the  Order  was 
on  the  point  of  taking  an  active  part  in  the  national  cam- 
paign but  was  restrained  by  its  general  officers.  Education 
in  political  principles  was  carried  on  in  all  assemblies  with 
the  aim  of  creating  political  as  well  as  industrial  solidarity. 
Definite  action  in  politics  could  not  be  taken  by  any  assem- 
bly unless  three- fourths  of  the  attending  members  sup- 
ported it,  and  no  members  were  compelled  to  vote  with 
the  majority,  but  nevertheless  internal  conflicts  did  result 
from  activities  along  this  line. 

Another  cause  for  decline  was  the  large  number  of 
disastrous  strikes  which  occurred.  In  its  earlier  years  the 
Order  had  definitely  opposed  strikes,  but  the  sentiment 
in  favor  of  them  grew  so  that  many  took  place  between 
1878  and  1883.  The  majority  of  these  failed,  due  partly 
to  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  unskilled  members 
who  had  no  experience  in  united  action,  and  partly  to 
an  inherent  weakness  in  the  form  of  organization.  The 
mixed  assemblies  could  not  maintain  the  same  discipline 
in  strikes  carried  on  by  members  of  a  single  trade  that  a 
closely  knit   trade  union   could   maintain.     After    1883 


"  H6llander  and   Barnett,   Studies   in   American    Trade    Unionism    (New 
York,  1907),  "The  Knights  of  Labor,"  by  Wm.  Kirk,  p.  367. 


I 


t8 


INTRODUCTION 


opposition  to  strikes  was  again  voiced,  but  nevertheless 
there  were  some  very  serious  sympathetic  ones  between 
1886  and  1888  which  proved  disastrous  to  the  organiza- 
tion. Overcentralization  and  autocratic  power  on  the 
part  of  the  general  officers  also  contributed  to  the  feeling 
of  restlessness  and  dissatisfaction  which  caused  a  gradual 
process  of  secession  from  the  Order;  and  the  dual  form 
of  organization  was  a  constant  source  of  friction  between 
craft  and  mixed  groups. 

Most  important  of  all,  however,  was  the  breakdown 
of  the  feeling  of  solidarity  and  community  of  interest 
among  the  difTerent  types  of  workers.  This  breakdown 
seemed  to  many  an  indication  that  it  was  impossible  to 
unite  the  skilled  and  the  unskilled,  and  that  all  attempts 
to  build  up  an  organization  combining  different  crafts 
were  Utopian.  A  truer  interpretation  of  the  facts,  how- 
ever, is  that  it  was  due  to  the  methods  used  in  trying  to 
foster  the  ideas  of  solidarity.  The  mixed  assemblies  were 
not  based  on  any  real  industrial  interests,  and  the  vague 
ideals  of  brotherhood  expressed  by  the  Order  were  not 
powerful  enough  among  the  rank  and  file  to  weld  workers 
from  very  diverse  industries  into  effective  groups  for  im- 
mediate action.  Although  frequently  cited  as  an  example 
of  the  failure  of  industrial  unionism,  the  Knights  of 
Labor  was  in  reality  organized  more  on  a  class  basis  than 
on  an  industrial  one — using  the  term  "class"  in  a  sense 
broad  enough  to  include  some  who  worked  with  their 
brains  as  well  as  those  who  worked  with  their  hands. 
We  must  turn  to  more  recent  experiments  for  light  on 
the  effectiveness  of  the  industrial  form  of  organization. 

Organization  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  on  Craft  Basis 

The  experience  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  was  an  im- 
portant factor  in  determining  the  policy  of  the  Ameri- 


INTRODUCTION 


19 


can  Federation  of  Labor,  which  was  formed  under  the 
name  of  the  Federation  of  Organized  Trades  and  Labor 
Unions  in  1881.  Believing  that  a  sense  of  solidarity  be- 
tween people  doing  different  kinds  of  work  and  having  dif- 
ferent problems  was  very  hard  to  obtain,  and  that  skilled 
workers  could  get  better  conditions  for  themselves,  and 
hence  further  the  whole  labor  movement  more  effectively, 
by  uniting  simply  with  others  of  their  own  craft,  the  A. 
F.  of  L.  has  been  built  on  the  basis  of  craft  independence. 
The  powerful  unions  which  have  affiliated  with  it  are 
for  the  most  part  organized  along  craft  lines,  and  have 
direct  control  over  their  own  trade  interests  without 
interference.  In  this  way  the  skilled  workers  have  im- 
proved their  condition  more  rapidly  than  if  they  had  been 
obliged  to  concern  themselves  with  the  problems  of  those 
who  were  less  skilled,  and  to  subordinate  their  interests 
to  those  of  the  whole  body  of  workers  in  an  industry. 
In  certain  trades  where  men  change  often  from  one  indus- 
try to  another,  the  tie  uniting  those  of  the  same  craft 
has  seemed  much  stronger  than  that  uniting  those  who 
work  on  the  same  product.  The  marked  success  which 
the  Federation  has  had,  and  its  steady  growth  in  power  and 
influence,  indicate  that  this  policy  of  craft  independence 
was  a  wise  one  at  the  time  when  it  was  adopted. 

Disadvantages  of  the  Craft  Basis 

Certain  disadvantages  in  this  method  have  become 
increasingly  apparent  with  the  development  of  industry, 
however,  and  have  strengthened  the  movement  in  favor 
of  a  different  form  of  organization.  Those  who  advo- 
cate organizing  on  an  industrial  rather  than  a  craft  basis 
point  to  the  distressingly  frequent  disputes  between  dif- 
ferent craft  unions  as  to  the  kind  of  work  over  which 
each  has  jurisdiction.     Such  disputes  may  arise  because 


20 


INTRODUCTION 


of  a  change  in  the  technique  of  industry,  making  a 
different  kind  of  skill  necessary  for  a  particular  piece 
of  work;  because  of  new  subdivisions  in  processes;  be- 
cause of  the  introduction  of  new  materials;  or  for 
various  other  reasons.  Uniting  all  of  the  crafts  in  an 
industry  would  eliminate  much  of  this  jurisdictional 
difficulty.  Furthermore,  modern  industrial  methods  are 
rapidly  wiping  out  craft  lines  and  making  old  divisions 
inexpedient.  The  introduction  of  new  machinery  is  break- 
ing down  craftsmanship,  and  reducing  the  skilled  worker 
to  the  level  of  the  unskilled.  Hence  men  may  shift  from 
one  occupation  to  another  much  more  easily  than  before, 
and  those  with  little  training  can  compete  successfully 
with  those  of  Idng  years  of  apprenticeship.  The  new 
machinery  is  displacing  not  only  the  skilled  workers  but 
also  many  of  the  unskilled,  in  certain  industries,  and 
making  a  more  homogeneous  force  of  semi-skilled 
workers.  When  members  of  one  trade  union  have  a 
grievance,  the  employer  can  thus  secure  workers  from 
another  trade,  very  often,  to  take  the  places  of  those  on 

strike. 

Under  the  craft  form  of  organization,  say  the  indus- 
trial unionists,  employers  repeatedly  play  one  craft  off 
against  another,  in  order  to  prevent  united  action.  If 
time  contracts  are  made  with  the  different  groups  in 
their  employ,  the  dates  for  expiration  of  such  contracts 
are  fixed  at  different  times,  so  that  no  concerted  move 
for  better  working  conditions  can  be  made.  The  em- 
ployer may  force  one  group  to  accept  certain  conditions 
and  then  use  that  acceptance  as  a  precedent  for  forcing 
similar  conditions  on  other  groups  one  by  one;  or  he 
may  make  concessions  to  a  strategic  group  in  order  to 
prevent  its  protesting  against  reductions  in  the  privileges 
of  other  groups.    In  case  of  a  strike  on  the  part  of  one 


INTRODUCTION 


21 


craft,  those  who  remain  at  work  may  instruct  "scabs" 
how  to  do  the  work  of  the  strikers.  This  happened  many 
times  upon  the  railroads  before  the  recent  move  for  co- 
operation. Employers  in  some  cases  succeed  in  having 
the  work  of  the  striking  departments  done  for  them  by 
outside  firms,  and  in  this  way  keep  their  establishments 
running  and  their  other  workers  busy.  If  all  those 
working  in  a  factory  belong  to  one  union,  such  tactics 
are  made  impossible.  In  time  of  strike  there  is  much 
less  chance  of  replacing  the  workers  and  keeping  the 
plant  running  if  the  whole  labor  force  goes  out  together, 
than  if  only  a  small  group  throws  down  its  tools.  This 
is  particularly  true  in  the  case  of  semi-skilled  or  unskilled 
workers.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  members  of  a  highly 
skilled  craft  union  cannot  be  replaced,  a  very  small  group 
may  succeed  in  shutting  down  the  whole  establishment 
and  throwing  thousands  out  of  work  without  consulting 
the  mass  of  the  workers,  in  order  to  gain  some  trivial  ad- 
vantage for  themselves.  Action  of  this  sort  arouses  resent- 
ment on  the  part  of  those  who  are  not  to  benefit  from 
it,  although  forced  without  their  consent  to  bear  a  large 
part  of  the  burden  of  it.  If  all  belonged  to  the  same 
union,  a  minority  could  not  thus  close  down  a  plant 
against  the  will  of  the  majority. 

Further  Arguments  for  Industrial  Unionism 

Advocates  of  industrial  unionism  not  only  point  out 
these  indications  of  what  they  call  the  ineffectiveness  of 
craft  unionism  in  dealing  with  a  single  employer,  but 
also  emphasizes  the  helplessness  of  the  craft  union  in  the 
struggle  against  the  gigantic  combinations  of  capital  which 
have  grown  up  in  recent  years.  In  order  to  be  efficient, 
labor  must  present  a  front  coextensive  with  the  employers' 
association,  and  hence  must  develop  a  union  structure 


22 


INTRODUCTION 


which  corresponds  to  the  prevailing  system  of  organiza- 
tion in  industry.  This  they  say  is  necessary  for  success- 
ful immediate  action  and  also  as  a  preparation  for  the 
time  when  the  workers  are  to  take  complete  control  of 
the  processes  of  production.  As  long  as  the  workers  re- 
main split  up  in  separate  craft  groups,  little  interest  will  be 
felt  in  the  problem  of  the  industry  as  a  whole.  It  is  neces- 
sary to  have  an  organization  in  which  every  wage-earner  in 
the  industry  is  included,  from  the  lowest  skilled  to  the 
highest,  if  the  workers  are  to  be  prepared  for  a  greater 
measure  of  industrial  democracy.  The  craft  unions  are 
to  a  great  extent  made  up  of  skilled  workers,  whereas  the 
great  mass  of  the  unskilled  have  hardly  been  touched  by 
them.  In  some  unions,  high  initiation  fees  and  long 
apprenticeship  periods  tend  to  keep  out  many  who  might 
otherwise  join,  and  hence  the  number  of  unorganized 
is  unnecessarily  large.  If  the  labor  movement  is  to 
become  the  power  that  it  should  become,  the  industrialists 
say,  a  form  of  organization  must  be  adopted  in  every 
industry  which  will  include  every  worker  in  it.  This 
is  necessary  not  only  for  the  sake  of  the  unskilled,  but 
for  the  sake  of  the  whole  body  of  workers. 

Types  of  Industrial  Unionism  in  the  United  States 

For  these  reasons  there  is  a  decided  tendency  toward 
industrial  unionism  both  within  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor  and  outside  it.  In  the  History  of  Labor  in 
the  United  States,  edited  by  Professor  Commons,  three 
types  of  industrial  unionism  existing  in  the  country  at 
the  present  time  are  distinguished.^®  The  first  is  that 
of  the  unskilled  and  migratory  workers,  who  conceive 
of  it  as  "one  big  union,"  including  workers  of  all  indus- 
tries.    This  class,  which  found  hope  in  the  Knights  of 

»  Commons  and  Associates,  op.  cit..  Vol.  a,  pp.  533-35- 


INTRODUCTION 


23 


Labor  in  the  eighties  to  some  extent,  is  now  represented 
by  the   Industrial   Workers  of   the   World   which   was 
organized  in  1905.    It  is  a  strongly  class  conscious  group, 
believing  in  assault  rather  than  in  agreements  with  em- 
ployers, and  having  little  faith  in  political  action.     Its 
power  is  spectacular  rather  than  continuous,  as  its  mem- 
bers have  little  experience  in  organization.     The  second 
type  is  that  of  the  middle  stratum  of  the  A.  F.  of  L., 
trades  which  are  moderately  skilled  and  have  had  con- 
siderable experience  in  organization.     The  coal  miners, 
the  metal  miners,  and  the  brewery  workers  are  illustrations 
of  this  type.    These  believe  that  "one  big  union"  would 
be  undesirable,  for  the  present,  at  any  rate,  but  seek  to 
organize  all  workers  in  their  respective  industries.    Their 
methods  are  opportunist,  and  unlike  the  I.W.W.,  they 
believe  firmly  in  trade  agreements  with  their  employers. 
As  their  position  is  near  enough  to  that  of  the  unskilled 
to  make  them  alive  to  the  dangers  of  competition  from 
them   unless   these    workers    are   organized,    they    have 
been  glad  to  include  the  unskilled  in  their  unions,  but 
their  industrialism  has  been  caused  more  by  conditions 
in  their  respective  industries  than  by  any  special  theories. 
There  is  a  decided  Socialist  element  in  these  groups,  but 
it  is  not  always  in  control.     Similar  to  these  in  many  re- 
spects are  the  industrial  unions  in  the  garment  and  textile 
industries  and  several  other  trades,  which  are  independent 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.    The  third  type  is  that  of  the  upper 
stratum  of  skilled  trades  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.    It  is  repre- 
sented by  the  various  departments  made  up  of  related 
trades,   which   have   been    formed    for   the   solution   of 
jurisdictional  difficulties  and  cooperation  along  various 
lines.    It  would  be  more  accurate  to  call  this  an  indication 
of  the  tendency  toward  industrial  unionism  than  an  exam- 
ple of  it,  however,  for  the  unions  in  the  different  trades 


ll 


24 


INTRODUCTION 


retain  their  autonomy  and  function  independently  in  most 

matters. 

In  this  study  the  industrial  unions  of  the  country 
have  been  grouped  somewhat  differently.  Part  One 
will  consider  the  organizations  within  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
which  have  the  industrial  form,  and  those  which  show 
a  tendency  toward  it ;  Part  Two  the  more  revolutionary 
industrial  unions  which  seek  to  include  all  industries 
within  one  organization;  and  Part  Three  the  industrial 
unions  which  have  not  affiliated  with  either  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  or  the  I.  W.  W.  or  any  other  all-inclusive  body,  but 
have  remained  independent.  This  division  has  not  been 
strictly  adhered  to,  as  it  has  seemed  wiser  to  treat  the 
industrial  unions  which  the  A.  F.  of  L.  has  in  the  needle 
and  garment  trades,  in  the  same  section  with  the  inde- 
pendent unions  in  those  trades,  but  in  general  the  classi- 
fication holds.  The  aim  of  the  book  is  not  to  dwell  upon 
the  historical  aspects  of  the  subject,  except  in  so  far  as 
is  necessary  to  understand  the  present  situation,  but  to 
describe  the  different  industrial  unions  which  are  func- 
tioning today  and  draw  some  general  conclusions  as  to 
the  direction  in  which  the  labor  movement  is  likely  to 
develop  in  the  future. 


PART  I 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  WITHIN  THE 
AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


CHAPTER  I 

TENDENCIES  TOWARD  INDUSTRIAL  UNION- 
ISM IN  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION 

OF  LABOR 


A.  F.  of  L.  and  Industrial  Unionism 

Although  the  traditional  policy  of  the  A.  F.  of  L., 
as  has  been  pointed  out,  is  in  favor  of  craft  rather  than 
industrial  unionism,  there  are  not  only  certain  fully 
developed  industrial  unions  within  its  fold,  but  also  many 
others  which  show  a  decided  tendency  in  that  direction. 
The  official  position  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  on  the  subject 
is  stated  in  the  so-called  "Autonomy  Declaration"  which 
was  adopted  by  the  annual  convention  in  1901  and  re- 
affirmed in  19 1 2.  This  Declaration  recognized  the 
impossibility  of  drawing  hard-and-fast  lines  between 
crafts  but  stated  that  the  principle  of  autonomy  must  be 
maintained  as  far  as  is  "consistent  with  the  varying 
phrases  and  transitions  in  industry."    It  went  on  to  say : 

As  the  magnificent  growth  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  is  conceded  by 
all  students  of  economic  thought  to  be  the  result  of  organization 
on  trade  lines,  and  believing  it  neither  necessary  nor  expedient 
to  make  any  radical  departure  from  this  fundamental  principle, 
we  declare  that  as  a  general  proposition  the  interests  of  the 
workers  will  be  best  conserved  by  adhering  as  closely  to  that 
doctrine  as  the  recent  great  changes  in  methods  of  production 
and  employment  make  practicable.  However,  owing  to  the  isola- 
tion of  some  industries  from  thickly  populated  centres  where  the 
overwhelming  number  follow  one  branch  thereof,  and  owing  to 
the  fact  that  in  some  industries  comparatively  few  workers  are 
engaged  over  whom  separate  organizations  claim  jurisdiction,  we 

27 


28  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

believe  that  jurisdiction  in  such  industries  by  the  paramount 
organization  would  yield  the  best  results  to  the  workers  therein, 
at  least  until  the  development  of  organization  has  reached  a  stage 
wherein  these  may  be  placed,  without  material  injury  to  all  parties 
in  interest,  in  affiliation  with  their  national  trade  unions.  .  .  Wc 
hold  that  the  interests  of  the  trade  union  movement  will  be 
promoted  by  closely  allying  the  sub-divided  crafts,  giving  con- 
sideration to  amalgamation  and  to  organization  of  District  and 
National  Trade  Councils  to  which  should  be  referred  questions 
in  dispute,  and  which  should  be  adjusted  within  allied  craft  lines. 

The  Executive  Council  in  reiterating  this  Declaration 
in    191 2    repudiated   the    insinuation    of    the    Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World  that  trade  unions  are  rigid  and 
do  not  adjust  themselves  to  meet  new  conditions,  and 
pointed  out  the  large  number  of  amalgamations  which 
have  taken  place  among  the  A.  F.  of  L.  unions,  and  the 
fine  spirit  of  cooperation  shown  by  them.     Nevertheless 
the  Federation  has  consistently  voted  down  all  resolu- 
tions endorsing  industrial  unionism  when  they  have  been 
introduced.     Such  a  resolution  was  introduced  by  dele- 
gates of  the  United  Mine  Workers  at  the  1912  convention. 
The  minority  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
offered  a  substitute  motion  declaring  that  wherever  prac- 
tical one  organization  should  have  jurisdiction  over  an 
industry,  but  if  the  majority  of  workers  concerned  were 
opposed  to  this  there  should  be  federation  of  all  crafts 
in  the  industry  into  a  department.     This  substitute,  as 
well  as  the  original  resolution,  was  voted  down,  though 
it  secured  about  one-third  of  the  votes  cast.^    The  exist- 
ence of  a  decided  minority  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.  which  is 
eager  for  the  reorganization  of  the  labor  movement  along 
industrial  lines   is   shown   by   the   continually   recurring 
resolutions  on  the  subject.     One  that  was  presented  in 

»  Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  i2nd  Annual  Convention  of  the  A.  F. 
of  L.,  191a,  p.  313. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


29 


1919  by  a  delegate  from  the  Central  Labor  Council  of 
Portland,  Oregon,  expresses  well  the  point  of  view  of 
those  who  favor  such  a  reorganization.    It  says  in  part : 

Whereas  an  aristocracy  of  unioti  labor  would  curse  the  world 
as  sorely  as  has  the  aristocracy  of  capitalism,  and 

Whereas,  by  the  introduction  of  machinery  one  unskilled  man 
is  enabled  to  render  a  large  number  of  skilled  mechanics  jobless, 
and 

Whereas,  through  the  process  of  changing  the  methods  of 
doing  the  world's  work  it  is  not  far  amiss  to  state  that  "there  are 
no  crafts  at  the  present  stage  of  industrial  development,"  and 

Whereas  the  new  industrial  democracy  must  be  met  with 
entirely  new  plans  of  action  by  the  toilers;  be  it 

Resolved  .  .  .  that  the  General  Executive  Board  proceed  at 
once  to  formulate  a  plan  for  the  reorganization  of  the  labor 
movement,  to  change  from  the  craft  line  plan  to  one  based  on 
the  plan  of  industries  or  "plant"  unions,  making  all  working 
cards  universally  interchangeable;  to  empower  the  several  shop 
committees  representing  the  different  classes  of  work  in  each 
plant  to  form  a  general  shop  or  plant  committee,  invested  with 
power  to  legislate  in  all  matters  of  interest  to  the  workmen  of 
the  industry  .  .  .' 

An  elaborate  plan  for  district,  state  and  federal  councils 
follows.  Needless  to  say,  this  resolution  shared  the  fate 
of  its  predecessors.  The  subject  was  again  brought  up 
at  the  convention  of  1921,  and  as  usual  the  vote  was 
against  the  adoption  of  the  industrial  form  of 
organization. 

Variations  from  Craft  Type 

Although  the  traditional  form  of  association  in  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  is  based  solely  on  craft  lines,  as  a  matter  of 
fact  only  a  small  proportion  of  its  affiliated  unions  are 
now  made  up  of  men  doing  exactly  the  same  kind  of 

'Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  sgth  Annual  Convention  of  the  A.  F. 
Ot  L.,   1919,  p.   348, 


30 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


work.  Mr.  Theodore  Glocker,  writing  in  191 5,  states 
that  of  133  national  unions,  most  of  which  are  affiHated 
with  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  only  28  are  really  craft  unions  in 
the  strictest  sense,  and  of  these  about  one-half  are  co- 
operating in  loose  alliances  with  related  trades.'  There 
have  been  a  few  instances  of  the  disintegration  of  unions 
into  separate  craft  groups,  but  the  tendency  is  in  the 
other  direction.  In  some  cases  unions  consisting  of 
workers  in  a  single  craft  have  extended  their  jurisdiction 
to  include  unorganized  workers  in  related  crafts;  in 
others,  two  or  three  existing  unions  have  decided  that 
their  interests  would  be  furthered  by  amalgamation. 
With  the  development  of  specialization,  still  other  bodies 
have  split  into  several  diflFerent  crafts  but  the  workers 
have  retained  their  membership  in  their  original  organiza- 
tion, so  that  it  is  no  longer  a  body  made  up  of  people  of 
a  single  craft,  but  rather  a  union  of  several  related  ones. 

Amalgamation  of  Related  Trades — Different  Types 

There  are  three  types  of  organization  in  the  A.  F. 
cf  L.  which  combine  different  crafts.  In  the  first  place 
we  have  the  perfected  type  of  industrial  union  which 
attempts  to  include  all  who  work  on  a  given  product,  and 
all  who  are  in  any  way  connected  with  it.  The  brewery 
union  and  the  two  unions  of  miners  are  examples  of 
this  type,  of  course.  In  the  second  place  there  are  semi- 
industrial  combinations  which  organize  in  one  union 
several  of  the  crafts  making  up  the  trade,  but  not  all  of 
them.  Some  of  these  unions  include  only  a  small  propor- 
tion of  the  crafts  in  the  industry,  while  others  comprise 
almost  all.  Usually  unskilled  workers  are  excluded  and 
also  those  working  in  auxiliary  trades  which  are  necessary 

•Glocker.   American  Economic  Review,   September,   191S.   "Amalgamation 
of  Related  Trades  in  American  Trade  Unions,"  p.  554. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


31 


for  the  operation  of  the  industry  and  yet  are  not  confined 
to  that  particular  one;  but  occasionally  one  or  the  other 
of  these  types  of  workers  is  included.  For  instance,  the 
Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher  Workmen  of 
North  America  exclude  the  members  of  auxiliary  trades, 
such  as  engineers  and  firemen,  but  claim  jurisdiction  over 
all  grades  of  skill  in  the  slaughtering  and  packing  estab- 
lishments, and  also  over  all  sausage  makers  and  meat 
cutters  in  department  stores  or  other  stores.  This  union 
furnished  an  example  of  solidarity  in  1904  when  it  called 
a  strike  for  the  benefit  of  the  least  skilled  and  most  poorly 
paid  workers.  The  A,  F.  of  L.  has  been  slow  to  en- 
courage the  inclusion  of  the  unskilled,  however,  and  such 
instances  are  comparatively  rare.  Where  processes  have 
become  so  subdivided  that  immigrants  can  be  trained  in 
a  short  time  to  carry  on  even  the  more  difficult  ones, 
and  hence  have  become  "potentially  dangerous  competi- 
tors," as  Mr.  Glocker  calls  them,  there  is  more  likelihood 
of  admitting  them  than  otherwise. 

Meat  Cutters 

The  strike  of  the  meat  cutters  in  1904  showed  plainly 
the  limitations  of  any  movement  which  does  not  include 
the  auxiliary  trades  as  well  as  the  unskilled  workers.  The 
engineers  and  firemen  remained  at  work  keeping  the 
refrigerating  plant  going  when  the  other  workers  went 
out.  They  later  decided  to  join  in  the  strike  out  of 
sympathy  for  the  others,  but  by  the  time  they  had  secured 
permission  of  their  own  offTcials  it  was  too  late  for  their 
action  to  be  of  any  assistance.  The  Amalgamated  Meat 
Cutters  have  always  insisted  that  the  failure  of  the  strike 
was  due  to  this  lack  of  speedy  cooperation  on  the  part 
of  the  engineers  and  firemen.*    The  packing  industry  has 

*  Groat,  Organised  Labor,  p.  43  j. 


31 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


often  been  held  up  as  an  example  of  the  bad  eflFects  of 
craft  unionism,  for  in  spite  of  the  broad  claims  of  the 
Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher  Workmen,  the 
workers  in  the  industry  have  been  divided  into  a  dozen 
or  more  national  trade  unions  affiliated  with  the  A.  F. 
of  L.  Many  of  these  unions  have  had  contracts  contain- 
ing a  clause  which  forbade  giving  support  to  other  unions 
in  a  controversy  with  the  stock-yard  companies.  In 
1918  an  organizing  campaign  led  by  John  Fitzpatrick 
and  W.  Z.  Foster  brought  these  different  unions  into  a 
cooperative  alliance,  however,  and  important  concessions 
were  gained  from  the  companies  by  their  joint  action. 

Typographical  Union 

The  International  Typographical  Union  is  an  example 
of  a  union  which  has  reached  out  to  one  of  the  auxiliary 
trades,  in  its  efforts  to  control  the  machinists  in  the 
printing  offices,  and  has  come  into  conflict  with  the  Inter- 
national Association  of  Machinists  by  so  doing.  In  this 
issue  the  A.  F.  of  L.  took  no  positive  stand  and  the  case 
was  won  by  the  stronger  union,  which  happened  to  be 
that  of  the  typographical  workers.  The  printing  industry 
furnishes  an  interesting  example  of  a  tendency  toward 
industrial  unionism,  following  a  period  when  the  tend- 
ency was  in  the  opposite  direction.  Originally  the  Typo- 
graphical Union  included  many  crafts — bookbinders, 
photo-engravers,  electrotypers,  and  pressmen — which 
later  broke  away  and  formed  separate  organizations. 
Later  still,  these  different  printing  unions  became  affiliated 
in  the  Allied  Printing  Trades  Association.  At  the 
present  time  there  are  groups  in  all  these  craft  bodies 
which  are  seeking  reunion.  The  Typographical  Union, 
which  has  always  been  somewhat  conservative,  has  within 
it  a  group  called  the  progressive  party,  with  its  own  organ 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


33 


and  speakers,  and  due  to  its  influence  a  new  progressive 
president  was  elected  by  the  union  in  the  summer  of 
1920.  If  this  party  succeeds  in  dominating  the  union  as 
it  hopes  to,  there  may  be  a  decided  step  taken  in  the 
direction  of  industrial  unionism. 

Amalgamations  Based  on  Materials  Used 

The  third  type  of  combination  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.  is  that 
of  crafts  which  work  for  different  employers  and  are 
bound  together  simply  by  the  material  on  which  they 
work.  The  United  Brotherhood  of  Carpenters  and 
Joiners,  which  has  extended  its  jurisdiction  over  machine 
wood  workers  and  hopes  some  day  to  include  all  kinds 
of  wood  workers,  is  an  example  of  this,  as  is  also  the 
defunct  Amalgamated  Rubber  Workers,  which  attempted 
to  include  all  who  made  articles  out  of  rubber.  The  diffi- 
culty with  this  type  of  amalgamation  is  that  the  different 
workers  have  few  interests  in  common  and  hence  are  not 
likely  to  stick  together.  Nevertheless  this  is  the  charac- 
teristic form  taken  by  industrial  unions  in  Germany. 

International  Seamen's  Union 

Two  unions  which  approach  the  pure  type  of  indus- 
trial unionism  are  the  International  Seamen's  Union  and 
the  International  Longshoremen's  Association.  The 
International  Seamen  originally  claimed  jurisdiction  over 
all  who  "make  a  living  by  following  the  sea,  lake,  or 
river  in  any  capacity  on  steam  or  sailing  vessels,"  but 
later  specified  a  definite  list  of  occupations  which  were 
mcluded  in  its  membership.  At  the  1920  convention  ^  it 
was  reported  that  there  had  been  in  the  union  the  previous 
year  30,000  sailors,  27,000  firemen,  9,400  cooks,  and  8,600 


54 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


fishermen.     Besides  these,  the  constitution  provides   for 
the  inclusion  of  waiters,  porters,  watchmen,  oilers,  coal 
passers,  and  various  other  workers  on  ship  board.     The 
relationship  of  all  the  workers  on  a  ship  is  in  the  nature 
of  the  case  likely  to  be  closer  than  that  of  different  crafts 
on  land,  so  it  is  not  strange  that  a  semi-industrial  form 
of   organization   should   have   been   adopted.      This   has 
brought  it  into  conflict  with  the  Hotel  and  Restaurant 
Employees  who  demand  jurisdiction  over  the  cooks  and 
stewards  on   ship  board,   however.     The   highly   skilled 
marine  engineers  and  the  mates  and  pilots  have  refused 
to  affiliate  with  the  unskilled  workers,  who  make  up  a 
large  proportion   of   the  organization,   so   the   Seamen's 
Union    cannot    be    called    wholly    industrial.      Although 
the  Association  of  Masters,  Mates  and  Pilots  belongs  to 
the  A.  F.  of  L.,  its  members  are  to  some  extent  looked 
upon  as  representatives  of  the  employers'  interests,  since 
they  have  general  authority  over  other  workers,  and  in 
some  cases  even  the  power  to  "hire  and  fire."    Occasion- 
ally   this    Association    and    also    the    National    Marine 
Engineers'   Beneficial   Association   have   been   willing   to 
cooperate  with  the  Seamen,  but  in  general  they  stand 
somewhat   aloof. 

International  Longshoremen's  Association 

The  International  Longshoremen's  Association  has 
also  tried  to  extend  its  jurisdiction  to  include  mari- 
time workers,  and  has  come  into  conflict  with  the  Sea- 
men's Union  by  so  doing.  Originally  it  included  only 
those  handling  freight  and  loading  and  unloading  ships, 
but  at  its  1901  convention  it  made  a  definite  statement 
of  its  desire  to  expand  so  as  to  include  all  maritime 
workers  in  one  concentrated  body.  The  following  year 
it  changed  its  name  to  the  International  Longshoremen, 


It 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES  35 

•Marine  and  Transport  Workers'  Association.    This  was 
considered  a  direct  assumption  of  the  functions  of  the 
Seamen's  Union  and  was  declared  an  act  of  bad  faith 
by  the  Executive  Council  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  which  re- 
fused to  sanction  the  change  of  name.    The  longshoremen 
continued  to  organize  seamen,  however.     At  the   1004 
convention  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions held  that  technically  the  Longshoremen's  Associa- 
tion had  encroached  on  the  rights  of  the  Seamen's  Union 
but  as  It  had  developed  a  strong  organization  of  marine 
and  transport  workers  it  should  be  allowed  to  hold  them  « 
The  convention  refused  to  come  to  any  definite  decision 
in  the  matter,  but  nevertheless  the  longshoremen  decided 
to  give  up  the  objectionable  title  provided  that  action  did 
not  involve  giving  up  any  of  their  new  locals.     Since 
then  they  have  continued  to  absorb  various  groups  of 
marine  workers. 

In  the  port  of  New  York,  the  longshoremen  had  in 
1919    four   locals   of   boatmen,    the    Harbor   Boatmen's 
Union,    the    Lighter    Captains'    Union,    the    Tidewater 
Boatmen  and  the  Railroad  Port  and  Terminal  Workers 
I  he  harbor  boatmen's  local  was  formerly  affiliated  with 

t  '^rrr  '      i°"  ''"'  ^■^'^'''^  ^'^^^  >■*  '»  '916  because 
't  felt  that  insufficient  support  had  been  given  it  bv  the 

parent  organization  in  its  efforts  to  get  wages  and 
r!!r^  J°fi"ons  which  were  comparable  with  those 

xlTy"^  J  T°"'-  °"  '^^  °'^''  ''^"'l,  the  Seamen's 
Union  charged  that  the  Longshoremen's  Association  had 
definitely  tried  to  alienate  the  boatmen.    Both  the  harbor 

tTe  otbl  I  !"■"  ''  "P  °"  '"*^"^'"^'  ''■"«^-  ""like 
"mother  harbor  unions,  and  have  jurisdiction  over  fire- 

4.a-u.'""'-  ■'•""''««»•»'   Dupuu.  in  American   Trad.    Union,.    .9.,,   pp. 


36 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


37 


men,  cooks,  porters,  oilers,  deckhands,  boat  dispatchers, 
bridge  masters,  wheelsmen,  and  various  other  workers — 
the  difference  being  that  the  latter  organization  is  re- 
stricted to  the  marine  workers  who  are  employed  by  the 
railroads.  The  competition  of  shore  unions  of  cooks 
and  firemen  whose  members  are  employed  on  harbor 
craft  has  impeded  the  progress  of  these  locals  somewhat. 
In  1917  an  affiliation  of  the  different  marine  unions  of 
the  port  of  New  York  was  formed  and  a  concerted 
demand  made  by  them  upon  the  boat  owners  of  the 
harbor.  Before  this  there  had  been  little  joint  action, 
though  the  marine  engineers  and  masters,  mates  and  pilots 
had  begun  to  cooperate  in  191 3,  and  the  harbor  boatmen 
had  aided  the  engineers  in  their  strike  of  19 16.  On 
October  5,  191 7,  representatives  of  these  three  organiza- 
tions, and  of  the  Tidewater  Boatmen's  Union,  and  the 
International  Union  of  Steam  and  Operating  Engineers, 
met  and  formed  the  Marine  Transport  Workers*  Affili- 
ation of  the  Port  of  New  York.^  Later  the  Lighter 
Captains'  Union  and  the  Railroad  Port  and  Terminal 
Workers  joined  the  Affiliation.  During  the  strike  which 
tied  up  the  whole  harbor  early  in  1919,  there  was  some 
dissensions  among  the  affiliated  unions  because  the  lighter 
captains  and  tidewater  boatmen  signed  a  separate  agree- 
ment with  private  boatowners  before  the  general  settle- 
ment was  made,  and  because  the  railroad  port  workers 
who  had  gained  more  than  the  others  through  the  action 
of  the  Director  General  of  Railroads,  were  loath  to 
jeopardize  their  own  welfare  by  supporting  the  others. 
Nevertheless  the  Affiliation  proved  a  successful  experi- 
ment, on  the  whole,  and  perhaps  may  point  the  way 
toward  an  industrial  organization  of  the  transport  workers 


*  For  a  full  account  of   this  Affiliation  see  Squires,  Journal  of  PolUieal 
Economy,  Vol.  27,  pp.  840-74. 


in  the  United  States  similar  to  that  of  England.  Of 
course  the  Seamen's  Union  would  need  to  be  included  in 
any  such  organization,  and  all  the  different  bodies  would 
need  to  draw  much  closer  together  than  they  have  yet 
done.  The  present  head  of  the  Longshoremen  is  distinctly 
conservative  and  would  probably  not  care  to  adopt  the 
English  Transport  Workers'  Federation  as  a  model,  but 
some  form  of  federation  may  prove  possible  in  the  future. 

Federation  of  Related  Trades — Their  Nature 

Another  instance  of  the  tendency  toward  industrial 
unionism  is  seen  in  the  development  of  departments  within 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  by  means  of  federation  of  related  trades, 
for  the  purpose  of  settling  jurisdictional  disputes  and 
bringing  about  a  certain  measure  of  concerted  action. 
This  form  is  what  Professor  Commons  and  his  associates 
call  "industrial  unionism  of  the  upper  stratum,"  that  of 
skilled  workers.  As  has  already  been  pointed  out,  how- 
ever, the  alliance  of  the  different  bodies  is  too  loose  and 
the  independence  of  each  one  too  great  for  it  to  be  con- 
sidered true  industrial  unionism.  An  official  of  the  United 
Automobile,  Aircraft,  and  Vehicle  Workers  in  one  of  the 
union  leaflets  comments  on  them  as  follows: 

These  departments  make  concerted  action  possible  among  all 
the  workers  of  a  given  industry,  but  their  effectiveness  is  ruined 
by  the  division  of  authority  and  power  among  several  National 
and  International  craft  unions.  The  Council  or  Department  plan 
is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  confession  that  greater  unity  is 
needed,  but  those  in  control  of  the  old  machine  of  the  Labor 
Movement  are  reluctant  to  give  way  to  the  new  order  of  things. 
They  would  patch  up  the  old  vehicle;  they  would  put  a  motor  in 
the  old  wagon  and  thus  make  an  up  to  date  automobile  of  it,  but 
would  decline  to  accept  the  modern  vehicle,  because  it  means  a 
new  deal  in  the  Labor  Movement  and  they  are  afraid  they  would 
be  lost  in  the  shuffle. 


3S 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


It  is  not  only  the  officials  but  also  the  general  member- 
ship of  the  different  unions  of  skilled  crafts  who  hesitate 
to  bring  about  too  close  an  alliance  for  fear  that  their  own 
interests  might  not  be  sufficiently  safeguarded.  Neverthe- 
less the  departments  are  a  concession  to  the  spirit  demand- 
ing a  closer  affiliation  of  related  trades,  even  though  in  the 
minds  of  more  radical  workers  they  do  not  go  far  enough 
to  be  of  great  significance  in  themselves. 

Building  Trades  Department 

The  first  of  these  departments  was  that  of  the  build- 
ing trades  which  was  organized  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in 
1908.  The  movement  for  joint  action  by  the  unions  in 
the  building  industry  had  begun  many  years  before  in  the 
formation  of  numerous  local  building  trades'  councils, 
which  had  considerable  success.  They  had  no  general 
laws  or  international  oversight,  however,  and  hence  there 
was  great  lack  of  uniformity  among  them.  Independent 
unions  as  well  as  those  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  were  admitted. 
In  1898  the  first  step  toward  a  national  affiliation  was 
taken  when  the  National  Building  Trades  Council  was 
formed.  The  leading  spirit  of  this  movement  was  the 
official  of  an  independent  union  which  had  seceded  from 
its  International,  so  the  new  Council  was  not  recognized 
by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  In  1903  the  Structural  Building  Trades 
Alliance  of  America  was  formed  by  delegates  from  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  unions  in  the  building  trades,  and  all  subordi- 
nate unions  were  ordered  to  affiliate  with  its  local  branches 
where  such  existed.  The  degree  of  cooperation  secured  by 
the  new  Alliance  was  less  than  was  expected,  however,  so 
in  1908  it  was  reorganized  into  the  present  Building 
Trades  Department.  The  department  has  had  great  suc- 
cess in  settling  the  numerous  jurisdictional  disputes  which 
have  arisen,  due  to  the  frequent  changes  in  the  industry. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


39 


and  in  bringing  about  cooperation  between  the  17  inter- 
national unions  which  are  now  affiliated  with  it.  In  1921 
a  total  membership  of  866,735  was  reported  at  the  A.  F. 
of  L.  convention,  and  an  affiliation  of  392  local  building 
trades  councils  and  8  state  organizations  of  workers  in 
the  industry. 

Metal  Trades  Department 

The  next  to  be  organized  was  the  Metal  Trades  De- 
partment which  was  officially  launched  in  February,  1909. 
This  also  was  the  outgrowth  of  many  years  of  effort  to 
construct  a  central  organization.  In  1894  a  conference  of 
machinists,  blacksmiths,  and  pattern  makers  was  held, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  International  Association  of 
Machinists,  at  which  the  Federated  Metal  Trades  was 
formed  to  bring  about  a  closer  relationship  between  the 
metal  workers  of  the  country.  The  new  alliance  had  slight 
success,  however.  The  next  move  for  a  national  federa- 
tion was  made  at  the  A.  F.  of  L.  convention  in  1900, 
where  a  temporary  organization  of  metal  unions  was 
formed.  Local  metal  trades'  councils  were  then  instituted 
in  many  cities.  Meanwhile  the  Federated  Metal  Trades 
continued  its  existence  independent  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  but 
made  little  advancement.  A  different  form  of  organiza- 
tion was  evidently  needed,  and  in  1909  this  was  brought 
about  in  the  founding  of  the  Metal  Trades  Department 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  The  rapid  strides  made  by  the  new 
Department  have  shown  the  wisdom  of  this  form  of  alli- 
ance. At  the  1920  convention  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  the 
Department  reported  17  international  unions  and  7  dis- 
trict metal  trades'  councils,  as  well  as  many  city  councils, 
affiliated  with  it.  It  includes  machinists,  steam  engineers, 
stationary  firemen,  boilermakers,  sheet  metal  workers, 
structural  iron  workers,  foundry  workers,  pattern  makers, 


40  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

and  various  others  who  handle  metal.  The  department 
was  instrumental  in  negotiating  agreements  in  the  ship 
building  industry  during  the  war,  and  has  done  valuable 
work  in  settling  disputes  between  its  affiliated  unions. 

Mining  Department 

A  Mining  Department  was  organized  in  February, 
1912,  by  delegates  from  the  United  Mine  Workers  and 
Western  Federation  of  Miners.  At  the  first  convention 
held  in  November  of  that  year  plans  were  made  for  an  ex- 
tensive organization  campaign,  and  the  affiliation  of  other 
unions  was  considered.  Since  that  time  steam  shovel  and 
dredge  men,  structural  iron  workers,  machinists,  iron,  steel 
and  tin  workers,  and  oil  and  refinery  workers  have  also 
been  admitted.  The  departments  are  not  mutually  exclu- 
sive, as  will  be  noticed,  and  some  of  these  unions  belong 
to  two  or  three  others.  The  looseness  of  the  association 
makes  this  quite  possible. 

Railroad  Employees  Department 

The  first  attempt  at  forming  a  department  of  rail- 
road employees  was  made  in  1908  at  the  A.  F.  of  L.  con- 
vention, in  order  to  promote  education  and  legislative 
activity.  An  increasing  demand  for  a  more  militant  form 
of  organization  that  would  include  joint  action  for  defense 
and  offense  as  well  as  propaganda  resulted  in  a  complete 
reorganization  in  November,  1912,  and  the  formation  of 
the  Railroad  Employees  Department  as  we  now  know  it. 
The  immediate  cause  for  this  step  was  the  convention  held 
in  Kansas  City  in  April,  191 2,  by  delegates  from  the 
workers  on  thirty-five  western  railroads  to  consider  call- 
ing a  general  strike  in  support  of  the  strike  on  the  Illinois 
Central  and  Harriman  lines.  The  vote  on  this  question 
was  in  the  negative,  but  the  outcome  of  the  convention 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


41 


was  the  formation  of  a  new  body  called  the  Federation 
of  Federations  of  Railway  Employees,  and  the  adoption 
of  a  constitution  providing  for  salaried  officers  giving  all 
their  time  to  the  work  of  the  organization.  The  A.  F.  of 
L.  insisted,  however,  that  an  agreement  be  reached  be- 
tween this  new  body  and  the  Railroad  Employees  Depart- 
ment, and  as  a  result  the  two  organizations  merged  into 
one,  under  the  name  of  the  Department  but  with  the  con- 
stitution and  officers  of  the  new  Federation.  The  aim  of 
the  Department  is  to  bring  within  it  all  railway  em- 
ployees, to  secure  the  eight-hour  day  and  a  minimum  wage 
scale,  and  to  bring  about  national  agreements  on  the  rail- 
roads, through  the  closer  affiliation  which  had  become 
necessary  because  of  the  failure  of  individual  craft  efforts. 
The  unions  affiliated  with  it  are  chiefly  those  in  the  so- 
called  shop  crafts,  including  the  International  Association 
of  Machinists,  the  International  Brotherhood  of  Boiler- 
makers, Iron  Ship  Builders  and  Helpers,  the  Brotherhood 
of  Blacksmiths  and  Helpers,  the  Brotherhood  of  Rail- 
way Carmen,  the  Brotherhood  of  Electrical  Workers,  and 
the  Amalgamated  Sheet  Metal  Workers.  In  the  trans- 
portation division  are  the  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Clerks 
and  the  Switchmen's  Union. 

The  constitution  of  the  Department  as  amended  in 
19 18  provides  for  an  Executive  Council  made  up  of  the 
presidents  of  the  affiliated  organizations,  and  for  three 
other  officers.  Four  territorial  divisions  are  recognized, 
including  Western,  Eastern,  Southern,  and  Canadian  rail- 
roads, and  a  fifth  division  comprising  all  locomotive  and 
car  equipment  plants  in  the  United  States  and  Canada. 
In  each  division  a  Federated  Board  is  created,  made  up 
of  the  general  chairmen  of  the  different  unions.  These 
boards  have  the  power  to  draw  up  rules  and  regulations  as 
a  basis  for  new  agreements  with  railroad  managers,  sub- 


42 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


ject  to  the  approval  of  the  Executive  Council  and  the 
president  of  the  Department.     When  a  joint  agreement 
has  been  made  between  a  Federated  Board  and  the  railroad 
managers,  it  is  binding  on  all  the  organizations  participat- 
ing in  it.    No  craft  may  withdraw  from  it  after  the  de- 
cision to  present  the  terms  for  a  new  agreement  to  the 
managers  has  once  been  made.    A  strike  cannot  be  called 
by  the  Department  till  all  the  affiliated  organizations  have 
voted  on  it  in  accordance  with  their  own  constitutions.  The 
system  federations  of  different  crafts  which  have  grown 
up  on  the  different  railroad  systems  are  also  recognized 
by  the  Department.     These  federations  are  responsible 
for  maintaining  conditions  already  agreed  upon,  but  can- 
not open  negotiations  for  new  agreements  without  the 
consent  of  the  president  and  Executive  Council  of  the 
Department.     Each  one  has  an  Advisory  Board,  com- 
posed of  five  representatives  of  each  craft,  and  a  Board 
of  Adjustment  with  one  representative  of  each  craft  to 
handle  grievances  with  the  managers.     Such  federations 
must  be  established  on  all  systems  where  three  or  more 
unions  affiliated  with  the  Department  exist.    In  1920  there 
were  132  system  federations  chartered  by  the  Department, 
including  all  the  larger  trunk  lines  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada. 


Tendency  Toward  Industrial  Unionism  on  Railroads 

The  railroads  illustrate  admirably  the  unconscious 
drift  in  the  direction  of  industrial  unionism  even  among 
the  more  conservative  workers.  In  the  early  days  of  or- 
ganization there  was  practically  no  concerted  action  on  the 
part  of  the  different  railroad  unions.  Firemen  would 
"scab'*  on  engineers,  and  engineers  would  try  to  per- 
suade young  firemen  not  to  join  the  Brotherhood  of  Loco- 
motive Firemen.    There  was  not  even  united  action  on  the 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


43 


part  of  a  single  craft  upon  a  railroad  system.  The  first 
step  toward  enlarging  the  fighting  unit  was  the  inclusion 
of  all  the  workers  of  one  craft  in  negotiations  with  em- 
ployers but  this  still  left  it  possible  for  employers  to  play 
one  craft  off  against  another.  The  next  step  came  when 
system  federations  were  formed  and  joint  demands  made 
by  them.  Such  federations  were  first  formed  by  the 
four  brotherhoods  of  transportation  workers — ^the  con- 
ductors, engineers,  firemen,  and  trainmen — and  then  by 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  unions  in  the  railroad  shops.  Since  1905 
they  have  spread  rapidly  over  the  country,  and  have  done 
much  to  bring  about  greater  cooperation  among  the  dif- 
ferent unions  and  increased  power  in  action  against  em- 
ployers. The  shop  crafts  have  met  with  greater  resistance 
than  the  brotherhoods  in  establishing  their  federations. 
The  great  strike  on  the  Illinois  Central  and  Harriman 
lines,  lasting  from  September,  191 1,  to  June,  1915,  was 
due  primarily  to  the  insistence  of  the  different  unions  on 
bargaining  collectively  and  the  refusal  of  the  railroad  man- 
agers to  deal  with  more  than  one  at  a  time.  It  was  this 
struggle  which  gave  the  impetus  to  the  reorganization  of 
the  Railroad  Employees  Department  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
The  strike  was  finally  lost,  but  it  had  proved  so  costly 
to  the  railroads  that  other  companies  hesitated  to  go  into 
a  similar  struggle,  so  the  system  federations  have  been 
generally  recognized  since  then.* 

Affiliation  by  Territorial  Divisions 

It  was  still  possible  for  one  system  federation  to  work 
against  another,  however,  so  a  wider  affiliation  proved 
necessary.  This  was  brought  about  by  the  uniting  of  or- 
ganizations in  different  territorial  divisions.     In  the  first 


•Foster,  The  Railroaders'  Next  Step  (Chicago,  1921),  p.  23. 


44  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

place  the  divisional  movement  among  the  transportation 
workers  brought  together  merely  workers  of  one  craft, 
but  soon  it  developed  to  include  others.    In  1901  the  con- 
ductors and  trainmen  began  to  form  such  alliances,  and  in 
191 3  the  engineers  and  firemen.    The  working  agreement 
between  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Firemen  and  the 
Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers,  which  was  adopted 
in  1 91 3  and  revised  in  19 18,  provided  that  when  one  orga- 
nization was  on  strike  members  of  the  other  should  not  do 
the  work  of  the  strikers;  nor  should  either  organization 
force  those  of  its  members  who  were  working  under  an 
agreement  made  by  the  other  to  go  out  on  strike.     All 
disputes  were  to  be  settled  by  arbitration.    Among  numer- 
ous instances  of  joint  action  on  the  part  of  the  railroad 
brotherhoods  may  be  mentioned  the  demands  made  upon 
forty-two  eastern  railroads  by  the  conductors  and  train- 
men in  191 3,  and  those  made  by  the  engineers  and  fire- 
men upon  ninety-eight  western  railroads  in  19 14.    These 
alliances  were  but  the  first  step  toward  concerted  action 
by  the  four  Brotherhoods  on  all  the   railroads   in  the 
country.     In  the  great  struggle  over  the  eight-hour  day 
in  1916  and  191 7,  the  four  united  in  the  largest  and  best 
organized  movement  yet  known  upon  the  railroads,  and  in 
the  hastily  passed  Adamson  law  secured  important  gains 
without  the  contemplated  strike.  The  first  divisional  move- 
ment among  the  shop  crafts  took  place  in  1916,  when  the 
different  crafts  on  twelve  southern  railroads  united.    After 
the  railroads  came  under  government  control  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  the  movement  for  system  and  divi- 
sion federations  spread  very  rapidly,  due  to  the  encour- 
agement given  to  organization  by  the  government.     In 
September,    19 19,  the  six  shop  unions  secured  a  joint 
agreement    covering    all    the    railroads    throughout    the 
country. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


45 


Plumb  Plan  Campaign 

After  the  war  the  various  railroad  unions,  including 
the  four  great  brotherhoods,  the  shop  crafts,  and  miscel- 
laneous railroad  groups  belonging  to  the  A.  F.  of  L., 
united  in  a  determined  effort  to  solve  the  problems  con- 
nected with  the  approaching  end  of  war-time  control  of 
transportation.  The  first  step  taken  was  the  endorsement 
of  the  Plumb  Plan  for  government  ownership  of  the  rail- 
roads and  joint  management  by  representatives  of  offi- 
cials, employees,  and  the  public.  A  vigorous  campaign  of 
publicity  in  regard  to  this  plan  was  entered  upon,  the 
different  unions  sharing  the  expenses  incurred  by  it.  The 
Plumb  Plan  League  was  formed,  and  a  new  journal 
called  Labor  issued  to  help  in  this  educational  campaign. 
The  demand  of  the  railroad  workers  for  government 
ownership  and  democratic  control  of  railroads,  and  the 
support  which  it  had  from  many  other  unions,  are  signifi- 
cant as  a  sign  of  a  changing  attitude  within  the  American 
labor  movement.  The  large  majority  which  passed  the 
resolution  endorsing  the  principle  expressed  by  the  Plumb 
Plan  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  convention  in  1920,  in  spite  of  the 
strong  opposition  of  President  Gompers,  indicates  a  grow- 
ing sense  of  the  need  for  a  new  system  of  control  of 
industry.  As  the  hope  for  some  such  reorganization  of  in- 
dustry is  bound  up  with  the  aspirations  of  most  industrial 
unionists,  this  vote  may  be  significant  as  showing  the 
increased  power  which  their  group  has  in  the  orthodox 
labor  movement. 

Cooperation  in  Resisting  Wage  Cuts 

After  the  passage  of  the  Transportation  Act,  the  six- 
teen unions  entered  into  cooperation  in  the  industrial  field, 
as  they  already  had  in  the  political,  and  carried  on  a  move- 
ment for  wage  increases.    When  the  railroad  executives 


46  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OP  LABOR 

determined  early  in  192 1  to  reduce  wages  and  put  an  end 
to  the  national  agreements  that  had  been  made  jointly 
with  the  six  shop  unions  and  separately  with  the  other 
crafts,  the  unions  presented  a  solid  front  of  opposition. 
In  spite  of  their  efforts,  however,  the  Railroad  Labor 
Board  decreed  that  these  national  agreements  should  be 
abrogated  July  i,  1921,  and  that  the  railroads  should  go 
back  to  their  old  methods  of  making  separate  agreements 
with  the  workers  in  their  employ.     The  attempt  of  the 
Association   of   Railroad    Executives   to   "buy   off"   the 
brotherhoods  from  interfering  with  wage  cuts  of  workers 
in  other  unions  by  announcing  that  the  wages  of  the  more 
highly  skilled  were  to  remain  unchanged  failed  utterly, 
as  the  unions  all  continued  to  stand  together  in  this  crisis, 
showing  much  of  the  spirit  of  industrial  unionism.    One 
instance  of  their  joint  action  was  the  calling  of  a  joint 
strike  on  the  Atlanta,  Birmingham  and  Atlantic  Railroads 
by  the  sixteen  unions,  on  March  3,  1921,  to  protest  against 
the  wage  cuts  which  had  already  taken  place.     A  more 
important  sign  of  cooperation  was  the  issuance  of  an 
order  for  a  general  strike  on  all  railroads  of  the  country, 
beginning  October  30,  192 1.    The  strike,  which  was  to  be 
in  protest  against  the  wage  reductions  that  had  already 
been  made  and  the  new  ones  that  were  threatened,  was 
ordered  by  the  four  brotherhoods  and  the  Switchmen's 
Union,  but  the  other  railroad  unions  were  expected  to 
join  it.    The  order  was  later  canceled,  due  to  the  growing 
conviction  that  it  would  be  condemned  by  public  opinion. 

Minority  Movement  for  Amalgamation 

There  is  an  element  among  the  railroad  workers 
which  is  not  content  with  the  present  degree  of  coopera- 
tipn  but  is  urging  an  actual  amalgamation  of  the  different 
craft  unions  upon  the  railroads.    An  interesting  debate 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


47 


on  the  subject  was  held  at  the  19 14  convention  of  the  Rail- 
road Employees  Department,  when  a  resolution  propos- 
ing a  referendum  vote  of  the  affiliated  organizations  on 
the  question  of  amalgamation  was  introduced.®  The  mo- 
tion for  submitting  the  question  to  the  general  member- 
ship was  lost,  but  many  spoke  in  favor  of  it.  President 
Johnston  of  the  machinists  was  one  of  those  who  advocated 
it,  saying  that  much  of  the  discontent  inside  and  outside 
of  the  labor  movement  was  due  to  individual  craft  action 
regardless  of  the  rights  of  the  other  fellow,  and  this  had 
been  especially  true  in  the  transportation  system.  Some 
of  the  delegates  said  that  if  the  proposition  was  submitted 
to  the  rank  and  file  it  would  carry  and  therefore  should 
not  be  brought  before  them,  as  the  officers  had  no  plan 
in  mind  for  carrying  out  such  an  amalgamation  success- 
fully. Industrial  unionism  was  all  right  in  theory  but 
not  in  practice.  Eventually  it  might  be  the  remedy,  but 
not  as  long  as  mutual  distrust  and  jealousy  persisted 
among  the  different  crafts.  One  delegate  from  the  boiler- 
makers  was  opposed  to  the  scheme  as  a  plan  for  gobbling 
up  the  little  fellows  and  controlling  their  affairs,  whereas 
another  delegate  from  that  union  upheld  it  as  he  claimed 
that  there  was  much  more  community  of  interest  between 
those  working  in  the  same  shop  than  between  those  in  the 
same  craft.  Others  maintained  that  the  craft  form  was 
more  scientific  than  the  industrial  form,  and  had  secured 
greater  benefits  for  the  workers.  This  discussion  is  a 
good  indication  of  the  divergent  opinions  in  regard  to 
industrial  unionism  among  the  railroad  unions. 

In  some  cases  individuals  who  have  tried  to  circulate 
propaganda  among  the  existing  railroad  unions  in  favor 
of  consolidation  have  been  expelled  from  their  organiza- 


•  Proceedings  of  the   2nd   Biennu^   Convention,    Railroad   Employees   De- 
partment,  19 14,  pp.   105-116. 


48 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


49 


tions.  Early  in  1919  a  certain  lodge  of  the  Brotherhood 
of  Locomotive  Firemen  and  Enginemen  decided  unani- 
mously to  suggest  to  the  other  locals  of  the  brotherhood 
a  constitutional  amendment  providing  for  amalgamation 
with  other  railroad  organizations.  As  a  result  President 
Shea  ordered  the  expulsion  of  the  lodge  officers,  accord- 
ing to  an  article  in  The  Railroad  Worker,  and  upon  the 
refusal  of  the  members  to  obey  this  order  revoked  the 
charter  of  the  lodge.^°  In  another  case  an  individual  who 
had  tried  in  vain  to  get  an  article  advocating  amalgama- 
tion into  the  official  journal  of  his  organization  was  said 
to  have  been  expelled  for  publishing  it  as  a  separate  leaflet 
and  circulating  it  among  his  fellow  members.  How  typi- 
cal of  the  railroad  unions  such  action  is  it  is  difficult  to 
state.  Of  course  it  is  quite  possible  that  other  elements 
may  have  entered  into  the  expulsion  of  those  particular 
individuals;  yet  it  is  evident  that  progress  toward  indus- 
trial unionism  on  the  railroads  is  not  without  opposition. 
The  latest  effort  to  educate  the  railroad  workers  in  the 
principles  of  industrial  unionism  is  that  of  W.  Z.  Foster, 
who  is  urging  a  carefully  worked  out  plan  for  amalgama- 
tion, in  order  to  eliminate  jurisdictional  disputes,  prevent 
the  financial  waste  due  to  separate  organizers,  officials,  and 
conventions,  and  bring  about  more  complete  unity  of 
action.  His  plan  provides  for  the  formation  of  different 
departments  for  different  crafts,  with  free  transfer  be- 
tween them,  and  a  national  executive  committee  with 
representatives  from  each  department.  Those  in  shop 
unions  which  include  many  who  work  in  other  industries 
might,  according  to  his  scheme,  affiliate  with  both  the  in- 
dustrial union  of  railroad  workers  and  their  own  craft 
union. 


*•  Epstein,  The  Railroad  Worker  (June,   1920),  pp.  19-23. 


Formation  of  Rival  Industrial  Unions 

Not  only  is  there  this  movement  within  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
unions  and  the  brotherhoods  toward  industrial  unionism 
on  the  railroads,  but  there  are  also  insurgent  groups 
which  have  broken  away  from  the  established  organiza- 
tions and  formed  industrial  unions  on  a  small  scale.  Such 
a  one  is  the  United  Association  of  Railway  Employees, 
which  is  a  result  of  the  "outlaw  strike"  of  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1920.  This  strike  was  due  to  impatience  with 
the  delay  in  forming  the  Railroad  Labor  Board,  and  dis- 
satisfaction with  union  officials  who  seemed  to  many  of 
the  rank  and  file  to  be  indifferent  to  their  pressing  needs. 
The  spontaneous  outburst  on  the  part  of  railroad  workers 
in  various  parts  of  the  country  was  not  due  to  the  desire 
for  industrial  unionism  to  any  extent,  though  it  was  a 
reaction  against  the  undemocratic  practices  of  some  of 
the  craft  organizations,  but  nevertheless  it  resulted  in 
something  of  the  sort  through  the  uniting  of  various 
groups  of  strikers  and  blacklisted  men.  The  strikers 
about  New  York  attempted  to  remain  with  their  old  or- 
ganizations, but  formed  a  local  federation  of  engineers, 
firemen,  conductors,  road  brakemen,  yardmasters  and 
other  yard  workers,  to  carry  on  the  strike,  and  also  to 
work  for  reforms  within  their  different  unions  in  order  to 
make  them  more  responsive  to  the  will  of  the  rank  and 
file.  An  Executive  Committee  was  formed,  with  three 
delegates  from  each  craft  on  each  road  in  the  vicinity.  The 
opposition  of  the  established  organizations,  however,  drove 
the  leading  spirits  of  the  insurgent  movement  and  most  of 
their  followers  to  withdraw  entirely  from  their  old  affilia- 
tion. Some  of  these  insurgents  formed  the  United  Asso- 
ciation of  Railroad  Employees.  Besides  this  organization 
there  are  four  other  industrial  unions  on  the  railroads, 
the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  the  Workers*  Inter- 


so 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


national  Industrial  Union,  and  the  One  Big  Union,  all 
of  which  have  branches  in  many  industries,  and  the 
American  Federation  of  Railroad  Workers.  All  of  these 
will  be  considered  in  later  chapters.  Their  combined 
membership  represents  only  a  small  fraction  of  the  total 
number  of  railroad  workers,  as  the  A.  F.  of  L.  unions 
and  the  brotherhoods  claim  about  95  per  cent  of  the 
organized  men  on  the  roads. ^^  For  this  reason  the  ten- 
dency toward  cooperation  among  the  "orthodox"  unions 
is  of  much  greater  significance  than  the  existence  of  these 
industrial  organizations. 

Tendencies  Toward  Industrial  Unionism  Among  Steel 
Workers 

The  campaign  for  organizing  iron  and  steel  workers 
and  the  great  strike  in  the  industry  called  in  September, 
1 91 9,  afford  a  good  illustration  of  the  conflict  between  the 
ideas  of  craft  independence  and  industrial  solidarity  in 
the  American  labor  movement.  At  the  A.  F.  of  L.  con- 
vention in  1918,  a  resolution  for  undertaking  an  organiz- 
ing campaign  in  all  the  steel  mills  of  the  country  was 
unanimously  adopted,  and  the  Committee  for  Organizing 
Iron  and  Steel  Workers  was  formed,  with  one  representa- 
tive from  each  of  the  twenty-four  unions  connected  with 
the  industry.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  and  Mr.  Foster,  who  had 
led  the  successful  campaign  in  the  packing  industry,  were 
chosen  to  direct  the  new  movement.  Previous  attempts 
to  organize  the  steel  workers  had  failed  because  of  the 
method  of  approaching  one  craft  at  a  time  in  individual 
mills,  so  plans  were  made  for  a  whirlwind  campaign  to 
reach  all  sections  of  the  steel  industry  simultaneously. 
Lack  of  sufficient  funds  made  it  impossible  to  carry  out 
the  original  plan,  but  in  certain  districts  the  work  of  or- 

"  Monthly  Labor  Review,  May,  1920,  p.  50. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


SI 


ganization  was  vigorously  pushed  by  the  Committee. 
With  considerable  stretching  of  constitutions,  a  uniform 
initiation  fee  of  $3  was  agreed  upon  by  all  but  three  of 
the  cooperating  unions,  $1  of  which  was  to  go  toward  the 
expenses  of  the  campaign.  This  was  a  decided  triumph 
for  the  spirit  of  solidarity,  as  some  of  the  union  consti- 
tutions set  fees  many  times  as  great.  All  applicants  for 
membership  signed  uniform  blanks,  which  were  then  dis- 
tributed among  the  different  unions  according  to  craft. 
Informal  central  bodies  known  as  Iron  and  Steel  Workers 
Councils  were  formed  in  many  districts,  and  helped 
create  unity  among  the  different  workers  in  the  industry. 
Some  of  these  councils  survived  the  strike.  The  com- 
missariat which  was  established  by  the  National  Com- 
mittee was  another  unusual  example  of  united  action. 
All  but  two  of  the  affiliated  unions  (the  molders  and 
coopers,  who  had  a  very  small  percentage  of  the  strikers) 
pooled  their  funds  and  formed  a  joint  commissariat  which 
gave  out  food  to  all  needy  strikers,  regardless  of  whether 
they  were  members  of  any  union  or  not.  Because  of  the 
large  number  of  strikers  involved,  the  ordinary  cash  bene- 
fits granted  by  the  different  unions  were  impossible,  so 
all  the  work  of  relief  was  carried  on  jointly  in  this  way, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Committee.  A  large  part  of 
the  cost  of  the  food  was  met  by  contributions  from  out- 
side, to  be  sure,  but  the  method  of  distribution  showed  a 
real  spirit  of  cooperation  on  the  part  of  the  affiliated 
unions. 


Types  of  Workers  Included 

The  original  intention  was  to  make  the  movement 
thoroughly  industrial,  taking  in  all  the  workers  in  the 
industry,  from  those  who  mine  the  coal  and  iron  to  those 
who  transfer  the  finished  products  to  the  railroad  lines, 


52 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


but  lack  of  sufficient  resources  forced  the  unions  to  con- 
fine their  work  chiefly  to  blast  furnaces  and  rolling  mills. 
When  company  mines  and  fabricating  works  lay  close  to 
the  general  plants,  workers  in  these  departments  were 
organized  and  went  on  strike  with  the  others.  Of  those 
enrolled  by  the  National  Committee  (not  counting  those 
joining  in  other  ways),  about  45  per  cent  belonged  to 
the  group  known  as  iron,  steel  and  tin  workers.  Next 
in  number  came  the  mine,  mill  and  smelter  workers,  fol- 
lowed by  the  machinists,  electrical  workers,  iron  workers 
not  included  in  the  first  group,  blacksmiths,  stationary 
firemen,  railway  carmen,  foundry  employees,  hod  carriers, 
stationary  engineers,  boilermakers,  coal  miners,  molders, 
plumbers,  quarry  workers,  and  bricklayers,  as  well  as 
several  small  groups  comprising  less  than  500  members 
each.  The  final  report  of  the  secretary-treasurer  of  the 
National  Committee  states  that  250,000  is  a  conservative 
estimate  of  the  actual  number  of  steel  workers  who  joined 
the  diflFerent  unions  during  the  campaign. 

Forces  Tending  toward  Industrial  Unionism 

Although  the  official  policy  of  the  organizing  com- 
mittee was  to  work  along  craft  lines,  there  was  a  strong 
tendency  toward  industrial  unionism  among  the  rank  and 
file.  The  "instinct  of  the  immigrant  recruit  led  him  to 
associate  with  his  shop  mates  of  different  crafts  rather 
than  with  his  craft  mates  from  each  shop,"  "  and  hence 
some  leaders  organized  men  in  shop  or  plant  unions. 
The  local  leaders  were  less  influenced  by  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
doctrines  than  were  the  national  organizers,  and  in  some 
cases  adopted  the  plan  which  seemed  most  natural  to  their 
inexperienced  fellow  workers,  which  was  that  of  minia- 
ture industrial  unionism.    This  of  course  led  to  internal 


460 


"Intcrchurch  World  Movement,  Report  on  the  Steel  Strike  of  1919,  p. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


53 


conflict  with  the  craft  principles  of  the  twenty-four  Inter- 
national unions.  When  the  various  organizations  pulled 
away  from  the  National  Committee  at  the  end  of  the 
strike,  even  the  small  amount  of  industrialism  that  existed 
was  broken  up.  Throughout  the  strike  radical  groups 
such  as  the  I.  W.  W.  and  the  Communists  ridiculed  the 
Committee  for  missing  a  wonderful  opportunity  to  estab- 
lish an  industrial  union  of  steel  workers.  The  I.  W.  W., 
in  particular,  were  in  active  opposition  to  the  strike,  and 
in  Pittsburgh  tried  to  defeat  it  by  distributing  leaflets 
among  the  workers  saying  that  an  A.  F.  of  L.  strike  was 
bound  to  fail.  In  many  respects  the  steel  industry  is  well 
adapted  to  the  industrial  form  of  organization,  for  with 
the  introduction  of  new  mechanical  processes  in  the  last 
two  decades  the  differences  in  skill  among  the  workers 
are  growing  less.  Each  new  machine  displaces  skilled 
men  at  the  top  or  unskilled  at  the  bottom.  Thus  a  dozen 
common  laborers  may  be  replaced  by  one  semi-skilled 
man,  and  a  few  skilled  men  by  one  slightly  less  skilled. 
The  new  type  of  steel  worker,  who  is  becoming  in- 
creasingly important,  is  one  whose  bodily  strength  is  not 
necessarily  great  and  whose  intelligence  is  not  very  much 
above  that  of  the  common  laborer,  but  who  can  handle 
machines  accurately.^'  With  the  decline  of  skilled  crafts- 
manship and  the  increasing  homogeneity  of  the  working 
force,  the  possibilities  of  industrial  unionism  grow  greater. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  opposition  of  the  powerful  craft 
unions  who  claim  jurisdiction  over  various  sections  of  the 
steel  industry  make  any  such  form  of  organization  im- 
practical for  the  present. 


Inadequate  Cooperation  of  Unions 

The  fact  that  twenty- four  unions  were  willing  to  co- 
operate to  the  extent  that  they  did  in  establishing  a  uniform 


**  Interchurch  World  Movement,  op.  cit.,  p.  134. 


54  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

initiation  fee,  creating  a  joint  commissariat,  contributing 
organizers,  and  carrying  on  a  long  continued  campaign,  is 
significant  as  an  indication  of  a  growing  realization  of 
the  need  for  concerted  action.  Nevertheless,  the  lack  of 
an  adequate  amount  of  cooperation  in  order  to  make  the 
strike  a  success  is  equally  significant  as  a  sign  of  the 
restricted  viewpoint  which  makes  it  difficult  for  many 
unions  to  see  beyond  the  immediate  interests  of  their  own 
craft  to  the  needs  of  an  industry  as  a  whole.  For  one 
thing,  the  amount  of  money  and  the  number  of  organizers 
contributed  by  the  affiliated  unions  were  inadequate  for 
carrying  on  a  successful  organizing  campaign  throughout 
the  industry.  The  fact  that  the  resources  of  the  organiz- 
ing committee  were  so  meager  in  the  early  months  of  the 
campaign  when  a  vigorous  movement  all  over  the  country 
might  have  accomplished  much,  was  a  source  of  weak- 
ness. Most  of  the  unions  contributed  to  the  National 
Committee  little  if  any  more  than  they  received  back  in 
initiation  fees,  according  to  Mr.  Foster.  In  fact  a  single 
organization,  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers,  which 
was  in  no  way  connected  with  the  campaign,  gave  to  the 
Committee  $100,000,  a  sum  fully  as  great  as  that  which 
came  from  the  twenty-four  unions  combined.  Another 
instance  of  the  lack  of  cooperation  was  the  absence  of 
centralized  control  over  the  organizers  sent  out  from  the 
diflferent  international  headquarters.  These  remained 
under  the  direction  of  their  own  union  officials,  and  were 
shifted  about  without  regard  for  the  needs  of  the  cam- 
paign as  a  whole. 

More  serious  still  was  the  definite  failure  of  certain 
of  the  twenty-four  unions  to  uphold  the  strike  after  it 
had  been  called.  Mr.  Foster,  in  his  history  of  the  struggle, 
states,  for  instance,  that  the  executive  officers  of  the  steam 
and  operating  engineers  condemned  the  strike  in  the  be- 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


SS 


ginning  and  urged  their  members  to  remain  at  work,  be- 
cause of  a  fight  with  the  electrical  workers  over  jurisdic- 
tion. Local  unions  of  engineers,  however,  repudiated  the 
directions  of  their  officials  and  struck  with  the  others. 
The  Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron,  Steel  and  Tin 
Workers,  which  claimed  a  large  proportion  of  the  new 
recruits,  especially  won  the  condemnation  of  the  leaders 
of  the  strike  by  trying  to  force  the  common  laborers  back 
into  the  mills  with  which  the  union  had  contracts,  in 
Youngstown  and  elsewhere,  while  the  struggle  was  still 
going  on.  These  contracts  said  that  any  new  members  of 
the  union,  although  not  coming  under  the  terms  of  the 
agreement,  must  nevertheless  continue  work  until  the  ex- 
piration of  the  scale  year — which  meant  the  following 
June.  This  act  which  caused  a  serious  break  in  the  strike 
seemed  like  treason  to  the  rest  of  the  steel  workers,  yet 
it  was  simply  an  instance  of  the  old  conflict  between  loyalty 
to  a  contract  made  with  employers  and  loyalty  to  fellow- 
workers  which  is  continually  cropping  out  in  the  labor 
movement.  Throughout  the  strike  the  officials  of  the 
Amalgamated  Association  viewed  the  movement  with 
a  certain  degree  of  disapproval,  although  its  president  was 
the  first  to  move  that  the  strike  be  called  on  September  22. 
Both  before  and  after  it  was  called,  they  are  said  to  have 
attempted  to  make  separate  agreements  with  one  of  the 
steel  companies,  ignoring  the  other  workers  in  the  indus- 
try.^* The  Stationary  Engineers  and  the  Switchmen,  two 
of  the  affiliated  unions,  did  not  call  their  members  out  of 
the  steel  plants  and  yards,  but  several  of  the  Switchmen's 
locals  went  out  nevertheless.  According  to  a  local  strike 
leader,  they  failed  to  go  on  strike  in  one  district  because  of 
rivalry  with  the  trainmen,  who  would  have  taken  the 


"Foster,    The   Great  Steel   Strike  and  Its  Lessons   (New  York,    1920), 
p.   174. 


S6 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


switchmen's  places  and  prevented  their  ever  getting  them 
back.  The  National  Committee  made  a  great  effort  to  get 
the  railroad  men  on  the  switching  roads  between  the  vari- 
ous steel  plants  to  join  the  strike,  and  the  railroad  locals 
near  Pittsburgh  voted  to  do  so  but  got  no  encouragement 
from  their  higher  officials.  Although  most  of  the  rail- 
road unions  were  in  no  way  pledged  to  cooperate  in  the 
campaign,  their  assistance  would  have  counted  for  a  great 
deal. 

The  same  strike  leader,  who  commented  on  the  switch- 
men went  on  to  say  that  the  officers  of  the  electrical 
workers  who  did  not  belong  to  the  group  of  twenty- four, 
claimed  that  "their  people  didn't  want  steel  organized  be- 
cause electrical  workers  during  slack  times  in  union  shops 
liked  to  be  free  to  get  steel  jobs,  which  they  couldn't  if 
steel  was  organized."    He  continued  as  follows : 

After  the  strike  half  a  dozen  towns*  Steel  Councils  met  in 
Gary  to  start  an  independent  Steel  Industrial  Union.  They'll  get 
nowhere.  If  they  take  I.  W.  W.  leadership  or  W.  I.  I  U.  they'll 
be  outlawed.  If  they  go  it  alone,  secessionist,  they'll  be  fought 
tooth  and  nail  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  .  .  .  And  all  the  while  the 
twenty-four  Internationals  won't  install  the  universal  transfer 
card  or  the  low  reinstallment  fee  or  remit  dues  or  do  any  of  the 
things  they've  got  to  do  to  keep  these  new  steel  locals  alive. 
These  narrow  selfish  policies  wreck  the  movement." 

Many  others  made  similar  comments.  One  inter- 
national union  president  not  involved  in  the  strike  re- 
marked :  "The  international  unions  are  primarily  business 
organizations  for  carrying  on  constructive  negotiations  for 
workers.  Why  should  they  bankrupt  themselves  for  im- 
migrants who  originally  took  the  steel  jobs  away  from 
Americans  ?"  ^'    In  short,  the  unions  were  ready  to  receive 

"  Interchurch  World  Movement,  op.   cit.,  p.    i8a. 
^*  Ibid.,  p.   1 80. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


S7 


new  members,  but  did  not  throw  themselves  very  heartily 
into  a  struggle  that  was  made  necessary  by  the  determined 
pressure  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  steel  workers.  Find- 
ing it  impossible  to  hold  the  mass  of  workers  back  from 
striking  in  the  fall  of  1919,  the  component  unions  endorsed 
the  strike  but  did  not  put  their  full  fighting  strength  back 
of  it.  Even  in  the  most  crucial  periods  it  proved  impossi- 
ble to  get  many  of  the  twenty- four  International  presidents 
together  for  a  meeting  of  the  organizing  committee.  The 
usual  thing  was  for  a  union  to  be  represented  by  some 
minor  official  without  power  to  act,  with  the  result  that 
the  National  Committee  could  not  function  effectively. 
When  an  important  step  was  decided  upon,  it  was  repeat- 
edly discovered  that  some  union  far  from  the  scene  of 
action  was  unwilling  to  support  the  course  entered  upon, 
so  that  the  whole  plan  collapsed.  "This  organization," 
said  one  of  the  strike  leaders,  "has  as  much  cohesiveness 
as  a  load  of  furniture."  ^^ 


New  Committee  for  Organizing  Steel  Workers 

When  the  strike  failed  after  a  struggle  of  nearly  four 
months,  the  Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron,  Steel  and 
Tin  Workers  withdrew  from  the  general  organizing  com- 
mittee, and  as  a  consequence  the  campaign  among  the  steel 
workers  had  to  be  discontinued  for  a  time.  The  conven- 
tion of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  1920  deplored  this  action  and 
instructed  the  Executive  Council  to  try  to  bring  about 
renewed  cooperation  among  the  unions  connected  with  the 
industry.  As  a  result,  a  new  committee  to  organize  the 
steel  workers  was  formed  in  January,  192 1,  with  the 
president  of  the  Amalgamated  Association  as  chairman. 
Only  fourteen  organizations,  those  most  closely  connected 
with  the  industry,  are  represented  on  it.     The  Amalga- 

"  Interchurch  World  Movement,  op.  cit.,  p.  169. 


S8 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OP  LABOR 


mated  Association  had  for  some  time  had  technical  juris- 
diction over  all  workers  in  the  steel  industry,  though  it 
had  never  attempted  to  enforce  its  claims.  When  it  with- 
drew from  the  National  Committee  it  declared,  however, 
that  it  intended  to  insist  on  including  all  classes  of  workers 
in  the  industry,  thus  becoming  an  actual  industrial  union." 
The  general  policy  of  the  union  has  always  been  so  con- 
servative that  any  such  action  seems  quite  unlikely,  as  a 
matter  of  fact;  and  the  formation  of  the  new  joint  com- 
mittee indicates  that  no  marked  change  of  this  sort  is  con- 
templated. 

Evolutionary  Process  in  Direction  of  Industrial  Union- 
ism 

In  spite  of  the  numerous  cases  of  friction,  and  the 
fact  that  the  unions  involved  put  forth  only  a  fraction  of 
their  actual  strength  in  the  struggle,  Mr.  Foster  believes 
that  from  an  evolutionary  standpoint  the  steel  campaign 
marked  a  decided  advance  in  union  methods,  in  that  it 
substituted  group  action  for  individual  craft  action.  He 
views  the  whole  labor  movement  as  undergoing  a  process 
of  evolution  from  the  stage  of  isolated  craft  action  to 
that  of  a  federation  of  crafts;  from  a  federation  to  an 
amalgamation  of  crafts;  from  an  amalgamation  of  all 
the  crafts  in  one  industry  to  a  federation  of  different 
industries,  such  as  the  Triple  Alliance  in  England  ;*• 
and  finally  from  a  federation  of  different  industries  to 
an  actual  amalgamation  of  all  groups  of  workers  into  one 
great  organization  of  the  working  class.  Labor  in  the 
United  States  is  for  the  most  part  in  the  federation  stage 


*•  Foster,  op.  cit.,  p.  253. 

"  An  agreement  for  a  similar  alliance  in  this  country  was  adopted  on 
Feb.  22,  1922,  by  representatives  of  the  United  Mine  Workers,  the  Inter- 
national Association  of  Longshoremen,  and  fifteen  railroad  unions,  subject 
to  ratification  by  the  different  organizations  concerned.  If  this  becomes 
effective  it  will  be  very  significant  from  the  standpoint  of  industrial  unionism. 


INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  TENDENCIES 


59 


at  present,  and  suffers  from  the  weakness  of  mere  federa- 
tion— the  lack  of  cohesion  and  unity  of  purpose,  the  craft 
prejudices,  and  the  inability  to  sink  the  interests  of  one 
group  in  the  good  of  the  whole.  "Federation  is  all  right 
as  far  as  it  goes,"  Mr.  Foster  says.  "It  marks  an  impor- 
tant stage  in  the  workers'  development  from  craft  to  class 
unionism.  It  is  at  once  an  admission  of  the  ineffectiveness 
of  craft  action  and  a  striving  for  industrial  solidarity.  .  .  . 
But  the  trouble  with  it  is  that  it  does  not  go  far  enough."  ^o 
The  only  way  to  make  labor  fully  effective  is  to  proceed 
from  this  stage  to  that  of  amalgamation. 

Trade  Union  Educational  League 

Mr.  Foster  is  convinced  that  the  progress  toward  in- 
dustrial unionism  must  come  not  by  building  up  new 
organizations,  but  by  uniting  those  that  already  exist  into 
larger  wholes.  Early  in  his  career  he  was  connected  with 
the  I.  W.  W.  for  a  short  period,  but  his  experience  with 
them  convinced  him  that  their  form  of  organization  was 
without  practical  results.  The  only  way  to  accomplish 
anything  in  the  labor  movement,  he  decided,  was  to  take 
the  craft  unions  as  they  were  and  develop  within  them 
the  sense  of  solidarity  with  other  workers  and  recognition 
of  the  need  for  more  united  action.  For  that  reason  he 
has  for  years  been  preaching  to  radicals  to  stay  within 
the  A.  F.  of  L.,  or  rejoin  it,  instead  of  trying  to  build  up 
rival  unions  on  more  idealistic  and  revolutionary  basis. 
Having  been  closely  connected  with  the  federation  move- 
ment in  the  railroad,  packing,  and  steel  industries,  he  has 
now  launched  a  new  organization  known  as  the  Trade 
Union  Educational  League,  which  he  says  aims  to 
"broaden,  deepen,  clarify  and  speed  up  the  natural  evolu- 
tion now  taking  place"  in  the  labor  world.    His  organiza- 

» Foster,   Tht  Railroaders'  Next  Step,  p.   27. 


t; 


6o 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


tion  is  to  have  branches  in  different  industries,  all  work- 
ing toward  the  amalgamation  of  crafts  in  those  industries. 
The  progress  toward  industrial  unionism  in  this  country, 
he  believes,  has  been  retarded  by  the  fact  that  many  of 
those  who  have  been  impatient  with  a  narrow  craft  spirit 
have  broken  away  from  the  orthodox  labor  movement. 
Although  the  tendency  is  in  the  direction  of  industrial 
unionism,  the  Trade  Union  Educational  League  declares 
that  "in  every  country  the  speed  and  intelligence  with 
which  this  evolutionary  process  is  going  on  depends  di- 
rectly upon  the  degree  of  organized  clear-sighted  effort 
being  put  forth  by  the  ever-present  small  minority  of 
active  wideawake  workers,  who  are  keenly  alive  to  the 
necessity  for  more  united  action  by  labor."  It  is  too  early 
to  tell  how  much  influence  this  new  Educational  League 
will  have  within  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  but  it  approaches  the 
problem  of  industrial  unionism  in  a  manner  which  may 
have  far-reaching  results. 


CHAPTER  II 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  IN  THE  BREW- 
ING INDUSTRY 

Beginning  of  Organization 

The  oldest  of  the  true  industrial  unions  within  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  is  that  of  the  brewery  workers.  There  were 
many  early  attempts  to  form  local  organizations  of  these 
workers,  beginning  with  the  one  in  Cincinnati  in  1879, 
but  the  first  national  organization  in  the  industry  was 
formed  in  1886  by  delegates  from  five  different  centers. 
This  was  merely  a  craft  association  of  brewers,  however, 
and  not  until  the  following  year  were  its  doors  opened 
to  other  workers  in  the  industry  so  that  it  could  really  be 
called  an  industrial  union.  With  the  widening  of  the  scope 
of  the  organization  its  name  was  changed  from  National 
Union  of  the  Brewers  of  the  United  States  to  National 
Union  of  United  Brewery  Workers  of  the  United  States. 
This  title  remained  (with  only  the  substitution  of  the 
word  "International"  for  "National"  and  "America"  for 
"the  United  States")  until  1917,  when  a  change  became 
necessary  because  of  the  inclusion  of  soft  drink  workers. 
The  present  name,  evolved  through  various  stages,  is 
International  Union  of  United  Brewery,  Flour,  Cereal 
and  Soft  Drink  Workers  of  America. 

The  early  struggles  of  the  brewery  workers  against 
low  wages,  excessively  long  hours,  and  brutal  treatment 
were  very  bitter  and  in  many  cases  futile.  A  union  formed 
in  New  York  in  1881,  and  soon  including  all  the  brewers 
of  New  York,  Brooklyn  and  Newark,  was  speedily 
crushed  when  its  members  dared  strike  for  the  twelve- 
hour  day.  The  employers  blacklisted  all  connected  with  the 

61 


63 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


organization,  and  although  they  granted  the  twelve-hour 
day  before  long,  they  succeeded  in  so  terrifying  the  masses 
of  the  workers  that  for  three  years  no  further  attempt  was 
made  to  form  a  union.  In  1884,  however,  twelve  workers 
in  New  York  formed  what  was  called  Brewers'  Union  No. 
I,  as  a  local  assembly  of  the  Knights  of  Labor.  This 
later  became  the  nucleus  of  the  national  organization  in 
the  industry.  A  boycott  was  soon  declared  by  the  Centra! 
Labor  Union  of  the  city  against  a  brewery  owner  who 
had  discharged  members  of  the  new  union,  and  after 
seven  months  he  was  forced  to  capitulate.  This  victory 
put  new  courage  into  the  workers,  and  before  long  all 
the  breweries  of  the  city  were  once  more  organized,  with 
separate  unions  for  drivers,  malsters,  and  brewers.  A 
joint  board  of  arbitration  was  formed,  the  ten-hour  day 
established,  and  other  improvements  secured,  by  a  con- 
tract with  the  employers  made  in  1886. 

Relations  with  Knights  of  Labor 

In  the  meantime,  Brewers'  Union  No.  i  had  with- 
drawn from  the  Knights  of  Labor,  partly  because  it  now 
felt  strong  enough  to  exist  independently,  and  partly  be- 
cause it  was  disgusted  with  the  intrigues  within  the  Dis- 
trict Assembly  to  which  it  belonged.  The  Assembly  had 
ordered  the  brewers  to  go  on  strike  in  behalf  of  some 
striking  coal  shovelers.  Mr.  Schlueter  in  his  history 
of  the  organization^  states  that  the  union,  "which  owed 
its  existence  to  the  solidarity  of  other  labor  organiza- 
tions [in  the  New  York  boycott],  would  undoubtedly  have 
responded  to  this  call  for  a  sympathetic  strike  had  not 
the  District  Assembly  refused  to  order  the  strike  for  the 
engineers  and  firemen  who  had  to  work  with  the  coal 


» Schlueter,    Tke   Brewing   Industry  and   th*   Brewery    Workers'   Move- 
ment (1910),  p.  118, 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


(>Z 


shovelers."      Being    indignant    at    this    discrimination, 
Brewers'  Union  No.   i  left  the  Order.     Various  other 
groups  of  brewery  workers  were  organized  under  the  K. 
of  L.,  and  remained  in  the  Order  for  some  time  after 
the  National  Union  of  United  Brewery  Workmen,  with 
which  they  were  affiliated,  had  received  a  charter  from 
the  A.  F.  of  L.    The  U.  B.  W.  had  at  its  first  convention 
decided  to  join  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  passed  resolutions 
condemning  the  K.  of  L.  for  advocating  prohibition  and 
for  not  helping  them  sufficiently  in  their  struggles.    Later 
the  attitude  of  the  brewery  workers  changed,  however,  as 
they  discovered  that  the  Knights  were  giving  them  more 
effective  help  in  their  boycotts  than  was  the  Federation. 
As  the  boycott  of  non-union  beer  was  the  strongest  weapon 
which  could  be  used  against  the  brewery  owners,   the 
union  was  especially  dependent  on  the  cooperation  of  all 
organized  labor.    Accordingly  at  the  convention  of  1892 
the  majority  of  the  delegates  were  in  favor  of  forming  a 
National  Trade  District  within  the  K.  of  L.,  so  that  each 
local  might  have  the  help  of  both  organizations.    Leaders 
of  both  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  K.  of  L.  objected  to  this, 
though  a  similar  arrangement  had  been  made   for  the 
United  Mine  Workers.    The  following  year  the  executive 
officers  of  the  K.  of  L.  agreed  to  the  plan,  however,  and 
although  it  was  not  fully  carried  out,  a  large  number  of 
the  brewery   locals   formed   Trade   Districts   within  the 
Order,  having  labels  which  combined  the  emblems  of  both 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  Knights.    As  a  matter  of  fact, 
friction  between  the  two  organizations  did  much  harm 
to  the  union.     Neither  one  gave  the  support  which  it 
might  have  given  if  the  brewery  workers  had  belonged 
to  it  exclusively,  and  after  a  time  the  union  began  to  recog- 
nize its  mistake  in  attempting  this  double  affiliation.    Ac- 
cordingly, when  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  1896  ordered  the 


64 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


U.  B.  W.  to  withdraw  from  the  K.  of  L.  on  pain  of  losing 
its  charter,  it  decided  to  obey. 

Change  in  Character  of  Membership 

After  this,  various  assemblies  of  brewers  which  had 
not  yet  joined  the  A.  F.  of  L.  organization  gradually 
drifted  away  from  the  Order  into  the  U.  B.  W.,  and  cer- 
tain other  unions  joined  it  also.  Before  these  new  acces- 
sions the  union  had  been  distinctly  German  in  character 
but  the  new  elements  were  largely  English-speaking  and 
gave  a  somewhat  different  tone  to  the  organization.  Na- 
tional antipathies  between  Irish  and  Germans  had  made 
trouble  in  the  industry  for  some  time,  and  did  not  wholly 
disappear  with  the  merging  of  these  groups  into  one  or- 
ganization. In  fact  the  U.  B.  W.  seems  to  have  had  an 
unusually  hard  time  with  internal  dissensions  and  dis- 
putes of  various  sorts.  Rival  factions  repeatedly  set  up 
separate  organizations  which  for  short  periods  made  the 
path  of  the  older  union  very  thorny.  These  controversies, 
combined  with  strong  opposition  from  employers,  hindered 
the  progress  of  the  union  for  many  years.  By  1902  it 
was  fairly  well  established,  however,  and  had  won  success 
in  New  York  and  most  of  the  large  cities  of  the  western 
and  central  states. 

Industrial  Form  of  Organization — Why  Adopted 

Some  of  the  difficulties  of  the  union  were  due  to  the 
industrial  form  of  organization  which  it  had  adopted.  At 
the  convention  of  1887,  the  national  secretary  had  stressed 
the  craft  spirit  by  declaring  that  the  organization  must 
"guard  the  noble  trade  of  the  brewers*  craft"  so  that  the 
man  who  had  learned  his  trade  should  not  be  "reduced 
to  a  factory  worker  by  the  admission  of  elements  who 
had  never  before  seen  a  brewefy";  but  nevertheless  he 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


65 


recognized  that  the  other  workers  in  the  industry  must  be 
brought  into  the  union  if  it  was  to  have  the  proper  founda- 
tion.* 

If  the  drivers,  the  coopers,  the  engineers,  the  firemen,  the 
malsters,  had  helped  us,  our  victory  would  have  been  assured 
within  24  hours.  .  .  .  Not  only  are  the  brewers  dependent  upon 
these  branches;  no,  each  one  is  dependent  upon  the  others. 
Solidarity,  man  for  man  from  roof  to  cellar,  all  for  each  and 
each  for  all    ...  this  alone  can  secure  our  future." 

Having  learned  by  experience  the  need  of  united  action, 
the  convention  adopted  this  declaration  as  its  own.  The 
special  character  of  the  industry  made  the  industrial  form 
of  organization  seem  the  only  practical  and  effective  one. 
The  men  who  actually  mix  malt  and  hops  and  attend  to 
the  fermentation  process  include  only  a  minority  of  the 
workmen  around  the  breweries,  and  without  the  support 
of  other  groups  they  were  powerless  against  the  united 
force  of  the  employers.*  In  comparison  with  the  total 
amount  of  capital  invested  in  the  industry,  only  a  few 
workers  were  employed  and  these  were  scattered  among 
a  large  number  of  establishments;  so  that  unity  among 
the  workers  in  each  brewery  seemed  essential,  if  they 
were  to  have  any  measure  of  success.  The  large  propor- 
tion of  unskilled  laborers  made  it  especially  desirable  to 
have  a  form  of  organization  which  should  include  them 
as  well  as  the  various  skilled  groups.  This  has  become 
increasingly  true  with  the  development  of  the  industry, 
for  in  the  modern  beer  brewing  establishments  an  experi- 
enced and  trained  workman  can  at  any  time  be  replaced 
by  an  inexperienced  man  without  damage  to  the  business 
as  long  as  the  manager  keeps  one  experienced  man  in  each 

■  Schlueter,  op.  cit.,  p.  135. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  219. 

*  Blum,  Jurisdictional  Disputes  in  American  Trade  Unions,  p.  417. 
B 


66 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


department.^  In  addition  to  these  reasons,  the  fact  that 
the  leaders  of  the  union  had  a  definite  SociaHst  philosophy 
which  emphasized  solidarity  among  the  workers  had  much 
to  do  with  the  adoption  of  the  industrial  form  of  organiza- 
tion. 

Early  Jurisdictional  Disputes 

The  industrial  structure  has  resulted,  however,  in  more 
conflicts  with  craft  unions  in  the  case  of  the  brewery 
workers  than  in  that  of  any  other  industrial  union,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Blum.  This  has  been  largely  due  to  the  fact  that 
there  is  no  preponderating  number  of  men  in  the  indus- 
try who  could  belong  to  no  other  union,  as  is  true  in  the 
miners'  organizations.  The  bottlers,  coopers,  painters, 
carpenters,  engineers,  firemen,  and  teamsters,  who  make 
up  a  large  proportion  of  the  industry,  are  all  claimed  by 
other  organizations,  with  which  the  U.  B.  W.  has  had  con- 
tinual trouble.  At  the  convention  in  1897  several  groups  of 
beer  drivers,  masters,  engineers,  and  firemen  in  the  indus- 
try, who  were  present,  decided  to  unite  with  the  new  body. 
All  these  branches  of  labor  were  given  representation  on 
the  National  Executive  Board.  Negotiations  with  the  Na- 
tional Coopers'  Union  resulted  in  the  decision  that  the  two 
organizations  should  cooperate  but  that  brewery  coopers 
need  not  join  the  U.  B.  W.  unless  they  wished.  The  first 
serious  jurisdictional  dispute  which  occurred  in  the  indus- 
try came  in  1896  when  the  Coopers'  Union  demanded  that 
all  coopers  who  had  joined  the  U.  B.  W.  should  withdraw 
and  join  their  craft  organization  instead.  The  brewery 
workers  evaded  the  issue  and  the  case  was  brought  before 
the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  decided  two  years  later  that  when 
cooperage  required  the  whole  time  of  the  worker  he  should 


•  Proceedings  of  the  •  Sth  Biennial  Convention  of  the  International  Union 
of  United  Brewery  Worl-men  of  America,   i9»o.  P-   »6a. 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


67 


belong  to  the  Coopers'  Union;  if  only  part  time,  to  the 
Brewers'. 

Meanwhile,  national  unions  of  firemen,  engineers,  and 
teamsters  had  been  formed  and  all  these  now  demanded 
that  the  U.  B.  W.  turn  over  to  them  all  workers  in  those 
occupations.  This  the  U.  B.  W.  was  quite  unwilling  to 
do  as  it  believed  that  to  split  into  separate  trade  organi- 
zations would  give  the  employers  a  chance  to  play  one 
group  off  against  another.  The  other  unions  thereupon 
used  their  best  efforts  to  alienate  the  firemen,  engineers, 
and  drivers  from  the  brewery  workers,  and  succeeded  in 
detaching  some  locals  of  them  altogether.  These  juris- 
dictional difficulties  were  repeatedly  brought  before  the 
convention  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  usually  decided  in 
favor  of  the  craft  unions.  In  1900  a  resolution  was 
adopted  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  declaring  that  it  seemed  to  be 
to  the  best  interest  of  the  labor  movement  for  the  U.  B. 
W.  to  have  jurisdiction  over  all  workmen  in  breweries,  but 
as  execution  of  this  decision  would  be  hard  on  newly  or- 
ganized trade  unions,  exception  was  made  in  regard  to 
painters  and  also  in  regard  to  coopers  doing  new  work  or 
making  repairs  in  the  breweries.  Engineers,  firemen, 
and  other  workers  in  breweries  who  belonged  to  their 
respective  trade  unions  should  not  be  forced  to  join  the 
U.  B.  W.,  but  all  beer  drivers  should  be  turned  over  to 
it.  This  decision  was  confirmed  the  following  year,  and 
the  Executive  of  the  Federation  was  urged  to  regulate 
disputes  between  the  unions  concerned.  Its  first  step  was 
to  request  that  all  charters  issued  by  the  U.  B.  W.  to 
locals  of  firemen  and  engineers  since  the  1900  convention 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  be  withdrawn.  Firemen  and  engineers 
were  henceforth  to  belong  to  the  U.  B.  W.  only  where 
there  was  no  local  of  the  craft  union  in  their  own  trade, 
and  then  they  were  to  join  as  individuals,  not  as  groups. 


68 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


Soon  after  this  it  was  demanded  that  all  firemen's  and 
engineers'  locals  withdraw  from  the  U.  B.  W.  and  join 
their  craft  organizations.  This  was  refused  by  the  con- 
vention of  the  U.  B.  W.,  which  declared  that  it  should 
only  be  done  if  all  the  firemen  and  engineers  in  other 
unions  connected  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  (such  as  the  United 
Mine  Workers)  should  also  be  turned  over  to  the  fire- 
men's and  engineers'  trade  unions.  The  United  Mine 
Workers  naturally  protested  against  this,  and  the  situa- 
tion remained  unchanged. 

Temporary  Suspension  from  A.  F.  of  L. 

Meanwhile  firemen,  engineers,  coopers,  and  teamsters 
continued  to  attack  the  brewery  union,  which  refused  to 
give  up  jurisdiction  over  any  of  the  groups  in  the  industry. 
At  its  convention  in  1906,  the  A.  F.  of  L.  accordingly 
voted  to  withdraw  the  charter  of  the  U.  B.  W.  unless  it 
submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  Federation,  and  stopped 
admitting  not  only  firemen  and  engineers  but  also  team- 
sters. Those  already  members  might  decide  for  them- 
selves whether  to  remain  in  the  union  or  not.  This  de- 
cision the  Brewery  Workmen  were  unwilling  to  accept, 
so  they  were  expelled  from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  June,  1907. 
The  Executive  of  the  U.  B.  W.  issued  a  statement  saying 
that  it  was  asking  no  more  than  had  already  been  granted 
to  the  miners,  longshoremen  and  seamen,  and  that  in 
denying  to  the  brewers  a  similar  jurisdiction  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  was  guilty  of  unfair  discrimination.  The  action  of  the 
Federation  aroused  adverse  criticism  on  the  part  of  the 
progressive  portion  of  the  labor  movement  everywhere. 
Several  conferences  of  union  representatives  were  held 
which  protested  emphatically  against  the  exclusion  of  the 
brewers,  and  their  action  forced  the  A.  F.  of  L.  to  recon- 
sider the  matter.    Renewed  negotiations  resulted  in  restor- 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


69 


ing  the  charter  in  1908,  with  the  understanding  that  the 
U.  B.  W.  was  to  have  jurisdiction  over  all  in  the  brewery 
industry. 

Relations  with  Teamsters'  Union 

The  question  was  settled  in  theory  but  not  in  practice, 
however.  The  trade  unions  concerned  continued  to  do 
all  in  their  power  to  injure  the  brewers'  union.  In  New 
Orleans,  the  teamsters'  organization  formed  a  local  and 
offered  its  services  to  the  brewery  owners  for  lower  wages 
than  the  U.  B.  W.  drivers  had  been  receiving.  The  oppo- 
sition of  the  craft  unions  in  this  city  caused  the  central 
labor  body  to  refuse  to  readmit  the  locals  of  the  U.  B.  W. 
for  some  time  after  the  A.  F.  of  L.  had  restored  their 
national  charter.  Little  by  little,  the  brewery  union  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  its  position,  however,  though  juris- 
dictional disputes  have  continued  to  crop  out  from  time 
to  time.®  In  1912  the  International  officers  reported  that 
only  the  teamsters'  union  was  left  to  combat.  Somewhat 
optimistically  they  declared  that  their  organization  was 
the  most  successful  of  all  American  labor  organizations, 
having  control  over  about  95  per  cent  of  their  industry,^ 
and  that  their  opponents  were  now  being  convinced  that 
the  industrial  form  of  unionism  was  the  only  one  which 
could  protect  the  rights  of  the  workmen.  Industrial 
unions  were  active  and  progressive,  craft  unions  reaction- 
ary and  lifeless,  they  maintained.  Their  own  success  in 
getting  better  working  conditions  they  attributed  largely 
to  their  form  of  organization.    Their  troubles  were  not 


•  One  curious  dispute  took  place  in  1009  with  a  local  of  engineers  of 
the  Western  Federation  of  Miners  in  Butte,  Montana,  which  suddenly 
claimed  jurisdiction  over  all  engineers  and  firemen  in  the  breweries,  and 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  brewery  owners  to  sign  a  contract  with  it. 
Such  difficulties  between  two  industrial  unions  are  rare,  however.  (See  the 
Miner's  Magazine,  July   22,   1909.) 

'  Proceedings  of  the  19th  Biennial  Convention,  U.  B.  W.,  1912,  p.  160. 


70  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

over,  however,  for  the  teamsters  kept  insisting  that  the 
decision  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  1906  be  enforced.  The 
Federation  declared  in  191 3  that  the  teamsters  who 
handled  the  products  of  the  breweries  were  generally  em- 
ployed in  such  a  dual  capacity  as  to  make  them  really 
brewery  workers.  They  were  nearly  all  organized  in  the 
U.  B.  W.  and  should  not  be  transferred  to  any  other 
union.  On  the  other  hand,  the  drivers  connected  with 
distilleries  and  mineral  water  establishments  came  natu- 
rally under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Team- 
sters. 

This  decision  was  unsatisfactory  to  both  sides,  as  might 
be  expected.     The  brewery  delegates  said  that  the  soft 
drink  industry  had  invaded  the  field  of  the  U.  B.  W.,  and 
it  was  impossible  to  draw  the  line  where  men  were  work- 
mg  in  mixed  shops,  as  the  same  workers  were  used  for 
bottling  and  delivering  beer  and  soda  water.    The  Execu- 
tive Council  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  remained  firm  in  their 
position  that  the  U.  B.  W.  had  no  right  to  try  and  organize 
the  deliverers  of  mineral  water,  however.    Even  after  the 
brewery  union  was  granted  right  to  extend  its  jurisdiction 
over  soft  drink  workers,  it  was  forbidden  to  include  those 
who  delivered  the  products  made  by  these  workers.    An 
agreement  was  made  with  the  Brotherhood  of  Teamsters 
early  in  1917,  providing  that  drivers  and  stablemen  em- 
ployed in  the  delivery  of  the  products  of  beer  bottling 
establishments    (even   if   those   establishments   also   pro- 
duced soft  drinks)  should  belong  to  the  U.  B.  W.,  but 
those  employed  in  places  where  soda  and  mineral  water 
exclusively  were  bottled  should  be  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Teamsters.    The  settlement  of  the  question  has  not 
satisfied  either  side,  but  they  have  had  to  put  up  with  it 
for  the  time  being.    Various  problems  have  arisen  in  con- 
nection with  the  manufacture  of  "near  beer,"  which  have 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


71 


caused  friction  between  the  unions,  and  the  U.  B.  W. 
still  feels  resentful  at  not  being  allowed  to  include  all 
drivers  who  deliver  its  products. 

Friction  between  Craft  and  Industrial  Unions 

At  the  1 91 7  convention  of  the  brewery  workers,  agree- 
ments with  the  coopers,  carpenters,  engineers,  and  ma- 
chinists in  regard  to  the  work  which  their  members  might 
do  in  breweries  were  also  reported.  Members  of  the 
Machinists'  Union  were  to  do  general  repairs  of  a  certain 
sort,  whereas  members  of  the  U.  B.  W.  might  do  emer- 
gency or  running  repairs  and  operate  machinery  in  the 
brewing  and  bottling  plants ;  members  of  the  Carpenters* 
Union  were  to  be  employed  for  building  repairs  and  mak- 
ing boxes,  while  brewery  workers  might  repair  those 
boxes,  etc.  Although  these  difficulties  in  regard  to  the 
exact  work  which  may  be  done  by  each  organization  are 
of  little  interest  to  the  general  public,  they  are  important 
from  the  standpoint  of  industrial  unionism.  As  long  as 
craft  and  industrial  unions  with  overlapping  claims  exist 
side  by  side,  such  problems  are  sure  to  arise.  The  advo- 
cates of  industrial  unionism  point  with  scorn  to  the  large 
number  of  jurisdictional  disputes  which  occur  among 
craft  unions,  but  the  introduction  of  a  few  industrial 
unions  into  a  labor  movement  which  is  largely  organized 
along  craft  lines  may  merely  increase  the  sources  of 
friction.  If  all  workers  were  organized  according  to  in- 
dustries rather  than  according  to  craft,  the  disputes  would 
probably  be  fewer,  but  even  then  the  problem  of  mark- 
ing out  the  boundaries  between  diflFerent  industries  might 
in  some  cases  be  a  difficult  one.  Not  until  loyalty  to  the 
whole  working  class  transcends  loyalty  to  any  portion  of 
it  will  such  disputes  be  wholly  eliminated. 


,'    i 


72 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


73 


(1 


!  wHi 


Socialist  Philosophy  of  the  U.  B.  W. 

The  United  Brewery  Workmen  have  always  prided 
themselves  on  their  sense  of  solidarity  with  the  whole 
working  class.  Mr.  Schlueter  in  his  history  of  the  union 
boasts  that  "the  proletarian  virtue  of  solidarity  has  been 
exercised  by  the  U.  B.  W.  in  a  far  higher  degree  than  by 
any  other  organizations."  ®  He  instances  the  contribu- 
tions which  they  have  made  to  help  other  labor  groups  in 
their  struggles,  their  emphatic  protest  against  what  they 
considered  the  unjust  hanging  of  the  Chicago  anarchists, 
their  support  of  the  Socialist  movement,  etc.  There  has 
been  a  strong  Socialist  sentiment  in  the  organization,  and 
many  of  its  conventions  have  declared  that  the  brewery 
workers  should  become  part  of  the  Socialist  movement. 
Contributions  to  the  election  expenses  of  Socialist  parties 
have  been  made  by  the  union  on  some  occasions,  and  the 
officers  have  often  urged  the  necessity  of  voting  the  Social- 
ist ticket.  The  preamble  to  the  constitution,  which  puts 
great  emphasis  on  the  class  struggle,  states  that  the  "eman- 
cipation of  the  working  people  will  be  achieved  only  when 
the  economic  and  political  movements  have  joined  hands." 
From  the  first  the  union  has  impressed  upon  its  members 
the  necessity  of  becoming  citizens  so  as  to  share  in  the 
political  activity  of  labor.  The  Braucr-Zeitimg,  for  many 
years  the  official  journal  of  the  union,  did  its  best  to  in- 
stil Socialist  principals  in  the  membership.  Mr.  Schlue- 
ter states  that  as  long  as  the  union  was  of  purely  German 
character  there  was  little  or  no  opposition  to  this  political 
attitude,  but  when  the  English-speaking  element  got 
greater  influence  serious  opposition  did  arise  in  some 
cases.®    The  mass  of  the  membership  has  not  always  been 


»  Schlueter,  op.  cit.,  p.  249. 

•  Schlueter,  op.  cit.,  pp.   247-49. 


willing  to  follow  the  lead  of  their  officers  and  official  press 
in  regard  to  political  action,  especially  in  smaller  places 
where  the  Socialist  movement  has  not  been  strong.  Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Schlueter,  many  in  the  union  do  not  under- 
stand the  larger  aims  of  the  labor  movement  and  the  need 
of  extending  it  beyond  the  trade  union  field.  The  hard 
toil  of  the  brewery  workers  may  have  made  it  hard  to 
arouse  their  interest  in  anything  not  directly  connected 
with  their  everyday  aff^airs,  he  declared.  The  lack  of 
interest  in  the  general  labor  movement  has  been  partly  due 
to  the  fact  that  in  many  cases  workers  have  been  forced 
into  the  union  by  employers  who  wanted  the  use  of  the 
union  label,  instead  of  joining  of  their  own  free  will. 
This,  of  course,  has  been  a  source  of  weakness  to  the 
organization. 

Cooperation  with  Employers  in  Prohibition  Fight 

Another  factor  in  tempering  the  class  consciousness 
of  the  union  has  been  the  fight  against  prohibition  in  which 
the  brewery  owners  and  the  workers  have  fought  side  by 
side.  Large  sums  were  spent  by  the  union  in  this  struggle, 
$1  a  year  per  member  being  assessed  for  this  purpose  for 
several  years.  Friendly  relations  were  thus  fostered  be- 
tween employers  and  workers  who  were  united  against 
a  common  foe,  and  the  class  struggle  seemed  less  of  a 
reality  than  the  struggle  to  preserve  the  industry.  Volun- 
tary increases  in  wages  above  those  provided  for  in  ex- 
isting contracts  were  granted  by  the  employers,  and  vari- 
ous signs  of  good  will  were  given  by  both  sides.  At  the 
brewery  workers'  convention  in  1920  it  was  announced 
that  although  the  assessment  for  fighting  prohibition  was 
discontinued,  the  opposition  to  it  would  still  be  pushed 
energetically,  and  all  members  were  urged  to  support  anti- 
prohibition  candidates,  regardless  of  party. 


I 


74 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


I  i 


A  resolution  in  favor  of  endorsing  Debs  and  the  So- 
cialist Party  as  the  real  party  of  labor  was  introduced 
at  this  convention,  but  the  delegates  ordered  its  with- 
drawal on  recommendation  of  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions.^°  This  action  may  have  been  due  simply  to  the 
desire  to  make  the  prohibition  issue  the  only  one  which 
should  influence  their  political  action,  or  it  may  have  been 
due  to  a  more  conservative  spirit  in  the  union.  The  con- 
stitution which  was  adopted  in  1920  reaffirmed  belief  in 
the  class  struggle,  however,  and  stated  once  more  that 
the  union  aimed  at  active  participation  in  the  political 
labor  movement  on  independent  labor  class  lines.  The 
editor  of  the  official  journal  still  maintained,  at  the  con- 
vention and  in  his  paper,  that  workers  should  have  their 
own  political  organization,  and  in  one  editorial  on  Novem- 
ber 13,  1920,  declared  that  those  who  had  voted  for  Debs 
were  more  to  be  congratulated  than  those  who  had  sup- 
ported any  other  party  in  the  elections  which  had  just 
taken  place.  Resolutions  expressing  sympathy  with  Soviet 
Russia  and  the  Irish  Republic,  and  asking  the  release  of 
all  political  prisoners,  which  were  passed  at  the  conven- 
tion, showed  something  of  the  old  spirit  of  the  union.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  resolution  to  withdraw  from  the  A.  F. 
of  L.  was  defeated  almost  unanimously,  as  had  been  a 
resolution  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the  I.  W.  W.  a  few 
years  before.  In  June,  191 9,  a  circular  had  been  sent  out 
to  all  Canadian  locals,  condemning  outlaw  secession  move- 
ments such  as  the  "One  Big  Union"  which  had  just  been 
formed,  and  threatening  to  expel  any  locals  which  joined 
the  new  organization.  Such  action  was  of  course  impera- 
tive for  an  A.  F.  of  L.  union,  yet  it  helped  give  color  to 
the  charge  made  in  the  Industrial  Union  News,  organ  of 
the  Detroit  branch  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  that  since  the  U.  B.  W. 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


75 


had  "crawled  back  to  the  A.  F.  of  L."  in  1908,  after  its 
suspension,  its  members  had  "lost  the  little  radicalism  they 
once  had  and  become  as  arch  reactionary  as  the  rest  of 
Gompers'  machine."  ^^  Cooperation  with  their  employers 
in  the  anti-prohibition  struggle  was  instanced  as  a  glaring 
example  of  this.  It  was  a  great  disappointment  to  the 
leaders  in  the  industrial  union  movement  which  resulted 
in  the  formation  of  the  I.  W.  W.  that  the  U.  B.  W.  re- 
fused to  join  them,  although  some  of  its  members  had 
signed  the  Manifesto  calling  the  convention  which  organ- 
ized that  body  in  1905.  The  decision  of  the  brewery 
workers  to  remain  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.  instead  of  uniting 
with  the  more  revolutionary  body  has  always  marked  them 
as  conservative  in  the  eyes  of  the  more  radical  groups. 

Effect  of  Prohibition  on  Membership 

The  establishment  of  prohibition  was  of  course  a  seri- 
ous blow  to  the  U.  B.  W.  It  had  steadily  increased  in 
membership  up  to  19 14,  when  67,561  members  were  re- 
ported, but  after  that  it  began  to  decline.  In  1917  it  had 
only  about  45,000,  in  1919  about  40,000,  and  by  January, 
1 92 1,  had  shrunk  to  about  30,000.^^  As  the  national 
officers  reported  at  the  convention  in  September,  1920, 
that  24,213  new  members  had  been  taken  into  the  organ- 
ization on  payment  of  initiation  fees  in  the  previous  two 
years  and  nine  months,  the  great  falling  oflF  in  the  old 
membership  is  strikingly  apparent.^*  The  granting  of 
jurisdiction  over  malt,  yeast,  vinegar,  alcohol,  wine,  cider, 
cereal  beverage,  and  mineral  water  workers  in  191 7,  and 
over  cereal,  flour,  and  grain  elevator  workers  in  1918,  has 


^*  Proceedings  of  the  22nd  Convention,  U.  B.  W.,   igao,  p.   108. 


"  Industrial  Union  News,  Jan.  22,  1921. 

"Figures  for  1921  are  from  correspondence  with  the  secretary  of  the 
union,  for  191 9  and  1917  from  A.  F.  of  L.  records,  and  for  19 14  from  the 
U.    B.    W.    convention    proceedings    for    191 4. 

^Proceedings  of  the  22nd  Convention,  U.  B.  W.,   1920,  p.   18. 


76  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

helped  maintain  the  existence  of  the  union,  although  no 
great  progress  has  been  made  in  organizing  some  of  these 
industries.  A  small  minority  of  the  men  formerly  em- 
ployed in  brewing  have  gone  into  the  soft  drink  establish- 
ments, and  a  good  many  are  employed  in  breweries  which 
have  now  turned  to  the  manufacture  of  cereal  beverages 
or  have  become  ice  warehouses,  but  more  than  half  have 
been  obliged  to  turn  to  other  industries.  The  cereal  bever- 
age workers  now  constitute  the  bulk  of  the  membership. 
The  report  of  the  national  officers  to  the  1920  convention 
gives  figures  for  the  members  in  the  different  departments 
of  the  industry,  taken  from  the  card  files  of  the  union." 
Although  the  officers  admit  that  these  are  very  inaccurate, 
due  to  the  carelessness  of  local  secretaries  in  reporting  ex- 
pelled and  suspended  members,  the  figures  give  some  indi- 
cation of  the  relative  strength  of  the  different  departments. 
They  are  as  follows : 

Members 
Brewing,  cereal  beverage,  and  soft  drink  industries: 

Brewing  department  8^965 

Bottling  "  iiliis 

I^Jivery  "  10,104 

Mechanical      "  2,778 

Laborers  and  ice  house  men 1,685 

Flour,  cereal  mills  and  grain  elevators 4,545 

Corn  products  plants 1,595 

Yeast  and  vinegar  industry 1,283 

Malt    industry 75^ 

Food  products  plants 515 

Syrup    plants 1^5 

These  figures  add  up  to  over  10,000  more  than  the  total 
membership  as  given  at  that  time,  so  obviously  they  can- 
not be  given  too  much  credence,  but  they  furnish  some 

^*  Proceedings  of  the  22nd  Convention,  U.  B.  W.,  1920,  p.  18. 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


77 


idea  of  the  different  groups  of  workers  represented  in  the 
organization.  Although  the  union  has  been  successful  in 
organizing  some  of  these  groups,  such  as  the  yeast  work- 
ers, 100  per  cent  of  whom  are  said  to  have  joined,"  and 
the  soft  drink  and  mineral  water  workers,  who  have 
secured  very  good  contracts  with  employers,  there  are 
multitudes  in  the  different  trades  which  have  been  brought 
under  its  jurisdiction  who  have  not  yet  been  reached. 

Present  Relations  with  Employers 

On  the  whole  the  union  is  in  a  very  difficult  position 
for  many  reasons.  An  editorial  in  the  official  journal  for 
January  8,  1921,  sums  up  the  situation  as  follows:  "The 
brewing  industry  has  been  wrecked  to  great  extent,  the 
near-beer  business  is  poor,  the  profits  made  on  other  prod- 
ucts now  manufactured  in  breweries  are  not  large,  and 
there  are  too  many  workers  in  the  breweries,"  although 
a  large  proportion  of  those  formerly  employed  there  have 
left  and  are  working  in  other  industries."  In  addition 
to  discharging  many  of  their  workers  (in  spite  of  the 
willingness  of  those  who  remained  to  divide  the  available 
work  with  their  fellow  unionists,  taking  turns  in  being 
laid  off),  many  of  the  employers  have  embarked  upon  a 
campaign  for  the  open  shop,  and  have  been  breaking  con- 
tracts recklessly,  even  in  the  East  where  the  main  strength 
of  the  union  is  located.  The  journal  complains  bitterly 
against  this  sign  of  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  the  pro- 
prietors, who  "ought  to  appreciate  our  cooperation"  in  the 
fight  against  prohibition.  They  fared  well  under  their 
contracts  with  the  union,  the  editor  declares,  and  are 
making  a  real  blunder  in  trying  to  break  with  it.  This 
action  on  the  part  of  employers  has  doubtless  been  due 

»»/W</.,  p.  36. 

*»  Brewery,  Flour,  Cereal  and  Soft  Drink  Workers'  Jonrnal,  Jan.  8.  igai. 


I: 
I 
I 


78 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


partly  to  the  rather  desperate  condition  of  the  industry, 
and  partly  to  the  general  open  shop  wave  that  has  been 
sweeping  the  country.  That  not  all  of  them  are  in  sym- 
pathy with  it  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  in  September, 
1920,  the  general  officers  reported  to  the  convention  that 
the  U.  S.  Brewers'  Association  had  just  expressed  a  wish 
for  the  establishment  of  a  national  agreement  with  the 
union,  and  a  national  board  of  conciliation  to  deal  with 
disputes. 

Contract  and  Strike  Policy 

The  union  has  always  believed  firmly  in  the  policy  of 
making  contracts  with  employers,  though  local  agreements 
seem  to  them  more  feasible  than  a  uniform  one  for  the 
whole  country.  All  contracts  must  be  approved  by  the 
General  Executive  Board,  and  must  include  some  pro- 
vision for  arbitration.  Places  which  have  more  than  one 
local  of  the  organization  must  have  a  joint  Local  Executive 
Board,  with  delegates  from  each  local,  as  the  controlling 
body  in  all  dealings  with  employers.  This  board  sees 
that  all  the  various  branches  of  the  industry  present  their 
proposed  contracts  to  the  employers  at  the  same  time. 
No  firm  is  recognized  as  a  union  establishment  or  granted 
the  union  label  until  the  contracts  of  all  the  different 
branches  are  signed.  Every  effort  is  made  to  settle  dis- 
putes peaceably  without  resorting  to  strikes.  No  strike 
may  be  called  unless  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  the 
local  involved  vote  for  it.  Permission  must  also  be  granted 
by  the  General  Executive  Board  if  any  support  is  to  be 
given  by  the  central  organization.  At  the  1920  convention 
a  complaint  was  made  that  the  higher  paid  workers  always 
outvoted  the  lower  paid  and  hence  the  requirement  of  a 
two-thirds  vote  for  calling  a  strike  prevented  the  lower 
paid  from  getting  redress  for  their  grievances.    The  con- 


THE  BREWING  INDUSTRY 


79 


vention  refused  to  change  the  provision,  however.  Strikes 
must  be  limited  to  the  smallest  number  of  establishments 
possible,  so  that  the  working  members  can  assist  the 
strikers. 

Structure  and  Constitutional  Provisions 

The  highest  authority  in  the  organization  is  the  con- 
vention which  is  now  held  triennially.  A  referendum  vote 
of  the  entire  membership  may  be  held  if  a  majority  of 
the  delegates  to  the  convention  or  three-quarters  of  the 
General  Executive  Board  so  desire.  If  any  local  can  win 
the  support  of  one- fourth  of  the  total  number  of  locals, 
it  also  may  demand  that  the  membership  vote  on  a  certain 
question,  but  there  is  no  provision  for  an  automatic  refer- 
endum on  all  decisions  of  the  convention,  as  is  found  in 
some  unions.  The  general  officers,  however,  are  elected 
by  the  entire  membership,  after  nomination  by  the  con- 
vention, voting  being  compulsory.  A  general  organizer, 
four  general  secretaries,  and  thirteen  other  representa- 
tives constitute  the  General  Executive  Board,  which  meets 
twice  a  year.  Between  times,  the  four  secretaries  and  the 
four  members  of  the  Board  who  are  residents  of  the  place 
where  the  union  headquarters  are  situated  have  power  to 
transact  necessary  business. 

The  constitution  provides  that  no  local  may  initiate  a 
member  until  work  is  found  for  him  in  the  industries 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  union.  No  clerks  or  fore- 
men may  be  admitted.  Every  candidate  must  have  his 
first  citizenship  papers  and  get  his  second  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble. He  must  also  be  examined  as  to  his  competency  in 
the  trade  and  as  to  his  character,  and  pay  an  initiation  fee 
of  not  more  than  $11.^^    Only  members  may  be  employed 


"  Of   this   amount,   $i    ^oes  to   the  central   organization.      Monthly   duet 
are  at  least  75  cents,  of  which  25  cents  is  paid  to  the  central  body. 


8o 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OP  LABOR 


in  establishments  which  are  allowed  the  union  labels, 
except  when  no  union  men  are  available.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances, special  permits  may  be  issued  to  non-members 
for  a  definite  length  of  time.  In  dull  seasons,  members 
are  to  be  laid  off  in  rotation,  no  one  longer  than  six  days 
at  a  time,  so  that  the  hardship  of  unemployment  may  be 
equally  shared. 

Instead  of  forming  mixed  locals,  made  up  of  various 
types  of  workers,  the  usual  policy  of  the  union  has  been 
to  organize  drivers,  bottlers,  brewers,  soda  water  workers, 
etc.,  separately,  and  then  unite  them  by  means  of  the  joint 
boards  for  concerted  action.  No  two  locals  of  the  same 
branch  may  exist  in  the  same  locality.  The  wide  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  union  at  present  makes  possible  a  great  variety 
of  locals,  including  those  of  ice  plant  workers,  tonic 
workers,  creamery  and  dairy  workers,  rice  mill  workers, 
and  linseed  oil  workers,  as  well  as  those  which  one  would 
more  naturally  expect  to  find  in  the  organization.  The 
task  of  welding  together  these  heterogeneous  groups  will 
not  be  an  easy  one.  Nevertheless  the  union  has  a  wide 
field  before  it,  and  ought  in  time  to  overcome  the  diffi- 
culties of  its  present  position  and  become  a  powerful 
organization  once  more. 


CHAPTER  III 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  AMONG  THE 

COAL  MINERS 

Widespread  Interest  in  Union 

The  United  Mine  Workers  of  America  with  its 
demand  for  nationalization  of  the  mines  and  the  six-hour 
day  has  received  much  attention  from  the  general  public 
in  the  last  two  years.  The  coal  strike  of  November,  1919, 
checked  with  difficulty  by  federal  injunction,  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  Bituminous  and  Anthracite  Coal  Commissions 
by  the  President,  the  turbulent  struggle  in  the  West 
Virginia  coal  fields,  the  great  strike  of  bituminous  and 
anthracite  coal  miners  beginning  April  i,  1922 — all  these 
events  and  many  more  in  the  recent  history  of  the  miners 
have  been  heralded  widely  in  the  daily  press.  Not  only 
does  the  organization  afford  an  abundance  of  dramatic 
episodes,  but  it  furnishes  a  most  interesting  example  of 
an  industrial  union  which  was  quite  devoid  of  radical 
philosophy  or  class  consciousness  at  the  time  of  its  forma- 
tion, and  has  remained  so  in  theory,  but  nevertheless 
has  recently  adopted  a  far-reaching  program  of  industrial 
reconstruction.  Not  only  does  the  demand  for  nationaliza- 
tion of  the  mines  show  a  new  attitude  toward  industrial 
problems,  but  an  outspoken  radical  minority  indicates  that 
the  union  may  give  other  signs  of  diminishing  conserva- 
tion in  the  near  future.  As  this  organization  is  the  larg- 
est union  affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  reporting  a 
membership  of  425,700,  it  is  well  worth  careful  study. 


t 


81 


82 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


H 


i  ' 


Early  History 

There   were    several   attempts   to   organize   the   coal 
miners  of  the  country  before  the  formation  of  the  United 
Mine  Workers  of  America,  in  1890.    We  cannot  here  de- 
scribe the  earliest  unions  that  were  formed,  but  must  at 
least  mention  the  Knights  of  Labor,  which  had  consider- 
able success  among  both  bituminous  and  anthracite  miners 
for  a  few  years  after  1879;  the  National  Federation  of 
Miners  and  Mine  Laborers,  which  was  formed  in  1885 
and  soon  established  joint  conferences  with  the  operators 
of  several   states;  and  finally  the   National   Progressive 
Union,  which  sprang  up  in  1889.    A  movement  for  con- 
solidation on  the  part  of  the  National  Progressive  Union 
and  National  Trades  Assembly  No.  135  of  the  K.  of  L. 
resulted  in  1890  in  the  formation  of  the  U.  M.  W.,  with 
a  charter  from  the  A.  F.  of  L.     The  Trades  Assembly 
remained  part  of  the  K.  of  L.  for  several  years,  however, 
having  a   double   affiliation   as   did   many   locals   of   the 
brewery  workers.    A  certain  amount  of  friction  between 
the  two  bodies  persisted,  as  was  true  in  the  brewing  indus- 
try, and  eventually  the  Trades  Assembly  was  dissolved. 
The  new  organization  led  a  precarious  existence   for  a 
number  of  years.     The  pouring  in  of  cheap  immigrant 
labor,  largely  of  Slavs  and  Italians,  depressed  wages  and 
led  to  the  breakdown  of  the  joint  conference  system  which 
had  been  established.    The  keen  competition  brought  about 
by  the  great  increase  in  the  labor  supply  was  intensified 
by  the  depression  of  1893  and  thereafter,  with  the  result 
that  the  organization  was  nearly  wrecked.     The  success- 
ful strike  in  the  bituminous  fields  in   1897  niarked  the 
turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  union,  however,  and 
within  five  years  it  grew  from  one  of  the  poorest  to  one 
of  the  strongest  organizations  in  the  country.^    Since  then 

»  Warne,  The  Coal  Mine  Worker   (New  York,   1905),  p.  aig. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


83 


its  growth  has  been  almost  continuous  to  the  present 
time.  The  interstate  joint  agreement  was  soon  reestab- 
lished, and  the  union  spread  rapidly  to  other  states. 

The  first  serious  attempt  to  organize  the  anthracite 
miners  took  place  after  the  strike  of  1897.     The  task  of 
persuading  the  Slavs  and  Italians  to  join  was  a  difficult 
one,  but  they  were  gradually  drawn  into  the  union,  and 
soon  after  the  strike  of  1900  practically  all  the  anthracite 
miners  were  members  of  the  U.  M.  W.,  in  spite  of  racial 
antipathies  and  social  prejudices.^     The  bringing  of  im- 
migrant competition  under  control  in  this  way  was  con- 
sidered a  great  triumph.     In  1902  another  great  strike  in 
the  anthracite  field  broke  out,  after  all  attempts  to  get  a 
conference  with  the  employers  had  failed,  and  caused  much 
public  concern.     After  five  months  the  operators  agreed 
to  submit  the  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Anthracite 
Coal  Strike  Commission  appointed  by  President  Roosevelt, 
and  the  award  given  by  this  Commission  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  a  system  which  has  done  much  to  preserve  peace 
m  the  anthracite  regions.     Besides  increased  wages  and 
other  improvements,  it  provided  for  a  permanent  Board 
of  Conciliation,  with  representatives  of  each  side,  to  settle 
any  grievances  that  might  arise,  and  for  the  appointment 
of  an  umpire  if  one  should  be  necessary. 

Loyalty  to  Contracts 

The  spirit  of  the  organization  was  well  illustrated  in 
this  strike  by  the  decision  that  was  made  in  regard  to  the 
cooperation  which  should  be  given  by  the  bituminous 
mmers.  Many  in  the  anthracite  region  hoped  that  they 
would  join  the  strike,  believing  that  their  support  was 
necessary  if  the  union  was  to  be  saved.  The  bituminous 
mmers,  however,  were  bound  by  contracts  with  employ- 

» Mitchell,  Organized  Labor   (Philadelphia,    1903),  p.  367. 


m 


^ 


84 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


85 


\iu 


ers  which  did  not  expire  till  the  following  spring,  and  al- 
though some  argued  that  the  preservation  of  the  union  was 
more  important  than  holding  to  contracts,  the  special  con- 
vention called  to  consider  the  matter  decided  by  unanimous 
vote  of  both  anthracite  and  bituminous  delegates  that  these 
agreements  should  be  kept.  The  bituminous  miners  voted 
to  support  the  strike  financially,  but  remained  at  work 
throughout  the  struggle.  This  loyalty  to  contracts  has  been 
characteristic  of  the  union  throughout  its  history.  Al- 
though outlawed  strikes  have  broken  out  occasionally,  the 
membership  in  general  as  well  as  the  officials  have  stead- 
fastly maintained  the  sacredness  of  agreements,  and  have 
attributed  much  of  their  success  to  this  policy.  In  this 
respect  the  coal  miners'  organization  was  in  marked  con- 
trast to  that  of  the  metal  miners  in  its  early  days.  John 
Mitchell,  who  was  president  of  the  U.  M.  W.  from  1898- 
1908,  did  much  to  impress  upon  his  union  the  necessity 
of  keeping  contracts  inviolate,  and  for  this  was  often 
criticized  by  officials  of  the  Western  Federation  of  Miners. 
Even  in  the  strike  of  1919  the  coal  miners  believed  that 
they  were  living  up  to  the  spirit  of  their  contract,  which 
was  to  run  till  the  end  of  the  war  or  to  March,  1920,  as 
for  all  practical  purposes  the  war.  was  plainly  at  an  end. 

The  Interstate  Joint  Agreement 

The  Interstate  Joint  Agreement  for  bituminous  miners, 
in  what  is  known  as  the  Central  Competitive  Field,  includ- 
ing Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  and  West  Virginia,  has  for 
many  years  been  one  of  the  conspicuous  features  of  the 
union.  At  the  biennial  convention  of  the  international  or- 
ganization, a  scale  committee  makes  recommendations  in 
regard  to  wages  and  working  conditions,  which  are  usually 
adopted  by  the  union.  Soon  after  the  convention  these 
recommendations  are  brought  before  a  joint  conference  of 


f 


f 


operators  and  miners  in  the  Central  Field,  which  has  four 
representatives  from  each  side  from  each  state.  If  no 
agreement  is  reached  here,  the  demands  of  the  miners  are 
referred  to  a  sub-committee,  made  up  of  a  smaller  number 
from  each  side,  which  comes  to  some  decision.  The  report 
of  this  committee  is  adopted  by  the  Joint  Conference  and 
carried  out  unless  repudiated  by  a  referendum  of  the 
miners  or  by  a  reconvened  convention.  The  Policy  Com- 
mittee of  the  union,  made  up  of  district  presidents,  decides 
whether  or  not  to  submit  the  agreement  to  a  referendum 
vote.  The  interstate  contract  thus  established  runs  for 
two  years.  Formerly  it  was  the  habit  for  the  miners  to 
suspend  work  during  the  formation  of  new  contracts, 
but  in  1 9 16  it  was  decided,  in  spite  of  considerable  opposi- 
tion, that  work  should  continue  without  interruption  while 
the  new  agreement  was  being  made.^ 

The  Interstate  Agreement  is  somewhat  general  m  its 
provisions,  and  leaves  many  details  in  regard  to  working 
conditions  to  be  decided  by  the  separate  districts.  After 
the  Interstate  Joint  Conference  is  over,  the  miners  and 
operators  of  the  different  districts  meet  and  make  agree- 
ments in  regard  to  various  details,  such  as  prices  charged 
for  rent  and  house  coal,  methods  of  paying  wages,  etc. 
In  some  cases  sub-district  agreements  are  made  also,  and 
even  local  agreements  when  conditions  differ  in  different 
mines.  None  of  these  may  conflict  with  the  Interstate 
Agreement,  however,  or  increase  the  cost  of  production 
without  general  consent.  The  contracts  always  provide 
for  the  "check-off"  system,  by  which  all  union  dues  and 
assessments  are  deducted  from  the  wages  of  the  miners 
by  the  operators  and  turned  over  to  the  union  directly. 
This  system  of  course  puts  the  union  in  a  very  strong 

fh^V^^T^^'^M-^*    x(r  '^^   ^5'J    Consecutive  and   2nd  Biennial    Convention   of 
the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America,   19 16,  pp.  620-66. 


86 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


87 


Mi 


position,  as  it  forces  all  workers  to  become  members.  The 
union  claims  that  it  also  benefits  employers,  by  helping  to 
enforce  compliance  with  contracts,  and  by  preventing  un- 
authorized strikes.  The  agreements  also  make  provision 
for  the  settlement  of  all  disputes  that  may  arise.  If  any 
miner  believes  himself  to  have  been  unjustly  discharged, 
or  if  he  has  any  other  grievance,  he  may  present  his  case 
to  the  Pit  Committee,  made  up  of  representatives  of  the 
leading  nationalities  in  his  own  mine.  If  the  Pit  Committee 
is  unable  to  settle  the  difficulty  with  the  mine  boss,  the 
case  is  referred  to  the  president  of  the  sub-district,  or 
some  district  official,  who  takes  it  up  with  the  mine  man- 
agement or  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to  handle 
disputes.  If  necessary  the  matter  may  then  be  referred 
to  a  joint  board,  with  representatives  of  both  sides  (in 
Illinois)  or  may  be  submitted  to  arbitration.  In  several 
states  outside  of  the  Central  Territory,  joint  conferences 
of  operators  and  miners  draw  up  state  agreements  which 
are  somewhat  similar  to  those  already  described.  These 
contracts  have  done  a  great  deal  to  maintain  peace  in  the 
industry  and  bring  about  fair  treatment  and  greater  secur- 
ity of  position. 

Structure  of  the  Union 

The  U.  M.  W.  is  divided  into  thirty  districts,  each  of 
which  has  its  own  constitution,  officials  and  convention, 
and  its  own  representatives  on  the  Executive  Board  of 
the  international  union.  The  districts  may  subdivide 
their  own  territory  as  they  see  fit,  though  charters  are 
issued  and  revoked  only  by  the  international  union.  All 
locals,  sub-districts,  and  districts  are  subject  to  the  rulings 
of  the  International  Executive  Board.  In  19 10  the  presi- 
dent complained  in  his  report  to  the  convention  that  in 
some  districts  there  was  a  growing  disposition  to  ignore 


'i 


t 


I 


1 1 


the  authority  of  the  central  organization,  and  even  to  ad- 
vocate district  autonomy.  An  indication  of  the  same  dis- 
position is  seen  in  some  of  the  illegal  strikes  of  the  last 
few  years.  No  local  strikes  may  be  called  without  the 
authority  of  the  District  Executive  Board,  and  no  strikes 
involving  the  majority  of  the  workers  in  a  district  may  be 
called  without  sanction  of  the  International  Executive 
Board  or  convention.  A  general  strike  may  only  be  called 
after  a  referendum  of  the  entire  membership. 

A  referendum  is  also  necessary  for  levying  assessments 
for  more  than  two  months,  and  for  electing  officers,  and 
may  sometimes  be  used  in  ratifying  agreements,  but  less 
stress  is  put  upon  it  than  in  some  other  unions.  The  So- 
cialist Labor  Party  in  its  propaganda  among  the  miners 
criticizes  the  U.  M.  W.  for  this  reason  and  urges  that  its 
constitution  be  amended  so  as  to  place  the  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  rank  and  file.*  The  biennial  convention  is 
the  principal  power  in  the  international  organization,  and 
may  amend  the  constitution  by  only  a  majority  vote.  The 
delegates  to  this  convention  are  elected  directly  by  the 
local  unions,  according  to  the  number  of  their  members. 
Special  conventions  may  be  called  on  the  request  of  five 
or  more  districts,  or  on  order  of  the  Executive  Board. 
The  convention  is  the  final  court  of  appeal  from  decisions 
of  the  subordinate  branches,  although  an  individual  may 
not  carry  his  case  beyond  the  District  Executive  Board 
unless  his  membership  is  at  stake. 

The  smallest  unit  in  the  organization  is  the  local,  which 
is  usually  composed  of  the  employees  of  a  single  mine. 
If  the  number  in  each  one  is  small,  two  or  more  neighbor- 
ing mines  may  combine  in  forming  a  local,  however. 
Formerly  a  number  of  locals  might  be  organized  in  a 
large  mine,  according  to  nationality,  language,  or  place 

*  The  Mines  to  the  Miners,  published  by  the  Nat.  Ex.  Com.  of  the  S.  L.  P. 


88 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


IM 


of  residence,  in  case  the  workers  were  scattered  in  nearby 
towns,  but  the  constitution  now  forbids  the  formation  of 
more  than  one  in  a  mine.  All  crafts  are  united  in  the 
same  local.  An  attempt  was  made  in  1910  to  provide 
that  those  who  were  not  miners — coal  hoisting  engineers, 
machinists,  etc. — should  elect  delegates  of  their  own  craft 
to  represent  them  at  the  convention,  but  this  was  voted 
down.  All  delegates  are  elected  irrespective  of  occupa- 
tion. All  miners,  mine  laborers,  and  other  workmen  em- 
ployed in  and  around  the  coal  mines,  coal  washers,  and 
coke  ovens  of  the  American  continent,  regardless  of  race, 
nationality,  or  degree  of  skill,  are  eligible  for  membership, 
with  the  exception  of  people  who  hold  supervisory  posi- 
tions, or  are  engaged  in  the  sale  of  liquors,  or  are  mem- 
bers of  the  Civic  Federation,^  on  the  one  hand,  or  of  the 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  or  the  One  Big  Union, 
on  the  other.  The  initiation  fee  for  practical  miners  is 
$10,  but  members'  sons  who  are  between  fourteen  and 
seventeen  years  old  may  be  admitted  free.  Inexperienced 
miners  are  subject  to  the  regulations  of  the  district  where 
application  for  membership  is  made.  Local  dues  are  not 
less  than  75  cents  a  month,  of  which  50  cents  go  to  the 
central  organization,  but  boys  under  sixteen  and  decrepit 
or  disabled  members  pay  only  half  that  amount. 


Difficulties  with  Coal  Hoisting  Engineers 

The  U.  M.  W.  has  had  less  trouble  than  the  United 
Brewery  Workers  in  establishing  its  jurisdiction  over  all 
workers  in  the  industry,  but  it  has  not  been  wholly  free 
from  disputes  with  other  organizations.    For  the  first  few 


"  John  Mitchell,  for  several  years  president  of  the  union,  was  one  of 
the  leading  spirits  in  the  Civic  Federation  in  its  early  days,  but  as  time 
went  on  the  miners'  organization  grew  more  and  more  distrustful  of  that 
attempt  to  unite  employers  and  workers,  as  some  bitter  enemies  of  unions 
were  active  in  it,  and  finally  passed  a  constitutional  amendment  prohibiting 
membership  in  the  Federation. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


89 


years  it  made  little  attempt  to  organize  workmen  in  the 
industry  who  were  not  miners  or  their  helpers.  At  the 
1 90 1  convention.  President  Mitchell  spoke  of  the  necessity 
of  having  all  employees  in  and  around  the  coal  mines  in 
one  organization.  At  that  time  engineers,  firemen,  and 
blacksmiths  connected  with  some  mines  were  members 
of  their  own  trade  unions,  and  when  they  went  on  strike 
all  the  miners  in  the  locality  were  thrown  out  of  work. 
The  fact  that  the  U.  M.  W.  controlled  such  an  overwhelm- 
ing proportion  of  the  employees  in  and  around  the  coal 
mines  made  it  necessary  that  it  should  be  the  sole  judge 
of  what  strikes  should  occur,  so  that  less  than  3  per  cent 
of  the  employees  should  no  longer  be  able  to  tie  up  all 
operations,  Mitchell  declared.  The  same  year  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  convention  made  the  declaration  on  industrial  unionism, 
quoted  in  an  earlier  chapter,  which  confirmed  this  point 
of  view,  and  granted  the  U.  M.  W.  jurisdiction  over  all 
workers  in  the  industry.  Not  all  the  craft  unions  were 
ready  to  accept  this  decision,  however.  In  1902,  Mitchell 
reported  that  the  International  Association  of  Stationary 
Firemen  had  induced  a  few  hundred  firemen  in  the  anthra- 
cite regions  to  secede  from  the  U.  M.  W.  and  go  on  strike 
for  the  eight-hour  day,  without  consulting  the  miners' 
union,  thereby  throwing  50,000  miners  out  of  work.  The 
strike  failed,  and  the  officials  of  the  U.  M.  W.  had  to 
intercede  for  the  firemen's  reinstatement  in  the  employ  of 
the  company.  The  National  Brotherhood  of  Coal  Hoist- 
ing Engineers  caused  the  miners  considerable  trouble  for 
a  few  years.  The  engineers  considered  that  they  belonged 
to  a  separate  craft  and  demanded  an  organization  of  their 
own.  The  Mine  Workers  were  determined  to  force  them 
into  their  union,  however,  and  succeeded  in  persuading 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  to  revoke  the  charter  of  the  Brotherhood. 
The  Coal  Hoisting  Engineers  were  to  be  admitted  into  the 


go 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


91 


IM 


U.  M.  W.  without  initiation  fee,  and  were  to  have  a  dis- 
trict charter  from  that  body.  The  engineers  by  referen- 
dum refused  almost  unanimously  to  accept  this  decision, 
and  were  expelled  from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  1903.  For  a 
year  or  two  longer  they  continued  to  interfere  with  the 
U.  M.  W.,  but  the  larger  organization  was  soon  able  to 
control  engineering  work  in  practically  all  of  the  coal  mines 
where  its  members  were  employed.  The  U.  M.  W.  also 
had  some  friction  with  the  Western  Federation  of  Miners, 
which  for  awhile  tried  to  organize  coal  miners  as  well 
as  metal  miners,  but  an  amicable  settlement  of  this  diffi- 
culty was  reached  before  long.  The  relations  of  these 
two  mining  organizations  are  described  in  the  next  chap- 
ter. With  these  few  exceptions  the  U.  M.  W.  has  been 
practically  free  from  disputes  of  this  character. 

Character  of  Membership 

The  organization  now  includes  workers  in  about  fifty 
different  occupations — carpenters,  machinists,  masons, 
blacksmiths,  car  couplers,  car  loaders,  dumpers,  drivers, 
stablemen,  pumpmen,  water  boilers,  shaft  repairmen, 
watchmen,  laborers,  slate  pickers,  and  many  other  types 
of  workers  besides  regular  miners.*  The  majority  of 
these  are  relatively  unskilled,  and  a  large  proportion  of 
them  are  of  foreign  birth.  In  1910,  President  Lewis  re- 
ported that  at  least  one-third  of  the  700,000  mine  workers 
in  the  United  States  did  not  speak  English.^  A  few  years 
later  it  was  decided  to  print  Italian  and  Slavish  sections 
in  the  U.  M.  W.  Journal  and  since  then  many  other  na- 
tionalities have  demanded  to  have  sections  printed  in  their 
tongues  as  well.  The  Lithuanians  complained  at  the 
191 8    convention    that    they    were    being    discriminated 


•  Warne,  op.  cit.,  p.  32. 

^Proceedings  of  the  21st  Annual  Convention,  U.  M.  W.,  1910,  p.  69. 


against,  and  Hungarians,  Poles,  and  Russians  joined  in 
the  plea  for  articles  in  their  own  languages.  It  has  not 
yet  seemed  possible  to  arrange  for  so  many  foreign  sec- 
tions in  the  journal,  however.  At  the  191 8  convention  a 
resolution  stating  that  all  "enemy  aliens"  should  be  de- 
posed from  the  union,  and  no  documents  dealing  with 
union  affairs  should  be  printed  in  their  languages  during 
the  war,  was  voted  down  on  the  ground  that  many  of  the 
Bohemians,  Slavs,  and  Czechs  in  the  coal  mines  were 
loyal  to  the  United  States  but  had  not  been  here  long 
enough  to  become  naturalized.  The  recommendation  of 
the  president  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  aid  the  large 
number  of  members  who  were  not  citizens  to  become  natu- 
ralized was  adopted,  and  the  following  year  a  resolution 
was  passed  requiring  all  members  or  applicants  for  mem- 
bership to  take  steps  toward  becoming  citizens  as  soon  as 
possible.  Although  there  has  been  some  friction  between 
the  different  nationalities,  on  the  whole  the  U.  M.  W. 
has  had  great  success  in  welding  together  the  heterogene- 
ous groups  employed  in  the  industry,  and  forming  a 
compact  and  powerful  organization  of  them. 

Colorado  Strike 

It  is  impossible  in  the  compass  of  this  book  to  trace 
even  briefly  the  history  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  in 
their  struggles  to  organize  the  different  coal  regions  and 
establish  just  conditions  of  work,  but  a  few  of  the  most 
important  events  must  be  mentioned.  The  great  strike 
in  Colorado,  lasting  from  September,  191 3,  to  December, 
19 14,  was  one  of  the  most  dramatic  conflicts  in  the  labor 
movement.  It  arose  as  a  protest  against  the  economic, 
social,  and  political  domination  of  the  Colorado  Fuel  and 
Iron  Company,  and  certain  smaller  mining  companies  in 
the  region.    This  domination  manifested  itself  in  the  ruth- 


9a 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


93 


n« 


I 


less  suppression  of  unionism  by  means  of  spies,  sum- 
mary discharge,  and  blacklists;  in  the  control  of  living 
conditions  in  mining  communities  through  company 
ownership  of  houses,  stores,  and  churches ;  and  in  the  con- 
trol of  public  officials  and  the  machinery  of  the  law  in 
the  interest  of  the  companies.*  When  discontent  among 
the  miners  became  so  great  that  an  outbreak  was  inevi- 
table, the  U.  M.  W.  furnished  leadership  and  financial 
assistance  to  the  hitherto  unorganized  workers  in  their 
fight  for  improved  conditions.  The  enforcement  of  the 
state  labor  laws  in  regard  to  the  eight-hour  day  and  other 
matters,  the  right  to  have  checkweighmen  to  prevent 
cheating  in  the  weighing  of  coal  on  which  the  miners'  pay 
was  based,  the  right  to  trade  at  any  store  they  pleased  and 
to  choose  their  own  boarding  places  and  doctor,  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  armed  guards  about  the  camps,  recognition  of 
the  union,  and  increase  in  wages,  were  the  specific  ends 
sought  in  this  conflict,  as  in  many  others  which  have  been 
fought  by  the  coal  miners.  The  story  of  the  brutality  of 
company  guards  and  militia,  culminating  in  the  burning 
of  the  Ludlow  tent  colony  in  which  the  wives  and  children 
of  multitudes  of  strikers  had  taken  refuge,  and  the  death 
of  several  of  these  women  and  children  in  the  fire,  have 
often  been  told  and  need  not  be  repeated  here.  The  bitter- 
ness caused  by  this  event,  coupled  with  the  killing  of 
several  of  the  strikers,  precipitated  bloody  warfare  be- 
tween the  two  sides  which  was  only  checked  by  the  com- 
ing of  federal  troops  ten  days  later.  The  strike  was 
finally  lost,  although  certain  improvements  followed 
through  the  introduction  by  the  Colorado  Fuel  and  Iron 
Company  of  a  new  plan  for  giving  the  workers  a  voice  in 
determining  work  conditions. 


•  See  U.  S.  Com.  on  Industrial  Relations,  Report  on  the  Colorado  Strike, 
1915,  by  G.  P.  West,  for  a  full  account  of  the  situation. 


Struggle  in  West  Virginia 

West  Virginia  has  for  over  twenty  years  been  the 
scene  of  a  struggle  in  the  coal  mines,  which  has  repeatedly 
blazed  out  into  violence.  In  the  spring  of  191 2  an  im- 
portant strike  broke  out  there  and  lasted  for  nearly  six- 
teen months.  This  conflict,  like  many  others  which  have 
been  waged  by  the  miners,  was  characterized  by  the  use  of 
gunmen,  the  declaring  of  martial  law,  and  the  suspension 
of  constitutional  rights  of  the  miners.  Such  notoriety 
resulted  from  the  methods  used  to  crush  the  strike,  that 
an  investigation  into  these  methods  and  the  whole  system 
of  company  guards  was  authorized  by  the  United  States 
Senate.  At  various  other  times  in  the  last  two  decades 
the  fundamental  conflict  between  the  miners  and  the  opera- 
tors has  broken  out  into  open  warfare.  Readers  of  the 
daily  press  in  1920  and  192 1  are  familiar  with  the  stories 
of  violence  connected  with  the  most  recent  outbreak  in 
the  West  Virginia  coal  fields,  in  which  many  men  on  both 
sides  lost  their  lives.  It  is  a  mountainous  country  where 
feuds  are  prevalent  and  the  habit  of  settling  differences 
with  the  gun  widespread,  so  when  the  armed  guards  of  a 
detective  agency,  in  the  pay  of  the  operators,  have  evicted 
miners  and  their  families  from  their  homes,  they  have 
been  met  with  armed  resistance. 

The  fundamental  issue  in  this  region  is  the  question 
of  unionism.  Many  mine  owners  have  long  been  trying 
to  prevent  the  U.  M.  W.  from  extending  their  organiza- 
tion in  this  state,  and  to  this  end  have  forced  their  em- 
ployees to  sign  anti-union  contracts,  pledging  themselves 
not  to  join  any  union  nor  to  aid  and  encourage  the  organ- 
izing of  other  workers  even  after  their  own  term  of  em- 
ployment is  over.  Not  content  with  forcing  contracts  of 
this  sort,  at  least  forty-six  coal  companies  have  recently 
secured  injunctions  from  judges  of  the  State  Supreme 


94 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


95 


Court  of  Appeals,  restraining  all  union  representatives 
from  attempting  to  persuade  their  employees  to  break 
these  contracts  and  join  the  union.®  The  right  to  prohibit 
any  attempt  to  organize  workers  who  had  been  forced  to 
sign  such  contracts  was  upheld  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  in  the  Hitchman  Case  in  1917.  Besides 
using  these  powerful  weapons,  some  of  the  operators  pay 
the  salaries  of  deputy  sheriffs,  who  help  in  keeping  the 
county  free  of  unionism  by  clubbing  union  members  and 
running  organizers  out  of  the  district,  according  to  Mr. 
Winthrop  Lane  who  has  recently  made  a  careful  study 
of  the  situation.^^  The  operators  object  to  the  union  be- 
cause of  its  insistence  on  the  closed  shop  and  the  check- 
off system,  and  also  because  of  the  numerous  stoppages 
of  work  which  they  claim  occur  in  certain  mines  in  viola- 
tion of  contracts.  These  stoppages  Mr.  Lane  found  to 
have  taken  place  in  spite  of  the  earnest  efforts  of  the  union 
officials  to  prevent  them,  however.  Although  the  opera- 
tors have  done  their  best  to  check  the  speed  of  unionism, 
the  U.  M.  W.  membership  in  the  state  has  grown  from 
6,000  in  1917,  to  53,000  today,  Mr.  Lane  states." 

Court  Decisions 

A  hard  blow  has  recently  been  struck  at  the  union  by  an 
injunction  issued  by  Judge  Anderson  of  the  federal  court 
in  Indianapolis,  in  October,  1921,  forbidding  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  non-union  fields  in  West  Virginia,  and  enjoin- 
ing all  coal  operators  in  Indiana  from  continuing  the 
check-off  of  union  dues  from  the  wages  which  they  paid. 
The  reason  given  for  this  action  was  that  the  funds  col- 
lected by  this  system  were  being  used  for  the  unlawful 
purpose  of  organizing  non-union  mines  and  thus  inter fer- 


•Lane,  Civil  War  in  West  Virginia   (New  York,   192 O,  p.  69. 
^•Ibid..  p.  52- 
"JWd.,  pp.  42-43- 


ing  with  interstate  commerce.  Spontaneous  strikes  of  pro- 
test at  once  broke  out  in  various  places,  but  were  stopped 
by  the  action  of  the  Chicago  Court  of  Appeals  in  suspend- 
ing the  prohibition  of  the  check-off  till  a  thorough  hearing 
of  the  case  might  be  held.  As  the  check-off  system  has  been 
for  many  years  an  integral  part  of  union  contracts  in  the 
coal  fields,  an  adverse  decision  on  this  question  would  be 
a  staggering  blow  to  the  organizaton.  The  Court  of 
Appeals  later  reversed  this  part  of  Judge  Anderson's 
decree. 

The  U.  M.  W.,  like  various  other  unions,  has  had  to 
fight  a  number  of  lawsuits  in  recent  years.  One  of  the 
most  important  of  these,  the  Coronado  case,  is  still  pend- 
ing. The  Coronado  Coal  Company  in  Arkansas  brought 
suit  against  the  union  in  1914  for  conspiring  to  prevent 
shipment  of  their  coal  in  interstate  commerce,  by  trying  to 
organize  non-union  workers  and  supporting  them  in  a 
strike."  The  Federal  District  Court  awarded  the  com- 
pany $200,000  damages,  which  were  automatically  tripled 
under  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act.  This  decision  was 
sustained  by  the  Federal  Circuit  Court  of  Appeals,  and 
interest  added,  so  that  the  award  against  the  union 
amounted  to  $625,000.  The  organization  appealed  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  but  was  required  to 
deposit  a  bond  for  $800,000  meanwhile.  If  the  highest 
court  sustains  this  award,  it  will  be  another  serious  blow 
to  the  union,  and  because  of  the  principle  involved  will 
be  a  setback  to  all  organized  labor. 

Causes  of  1919  Strike 

The   first   general   strike  covering   all   the   organized 
bituminous   coal   fields   of   the   country    was   called    for 

Ar^lrt'injLjJ''    Proceedings    of    the    39th    Annual    Convention    of    the 
American  Federation  of  Labor,   19 19,  p.   100.  "»    mc 


i 

} 


96 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


November  i,  1919.  To  understand  the  reasons  for  this 
much  criticized  move  we  must  go  back  to  the  wage  agree- 
ment which  was  formulated  in  Washington  early  in  19 18 
and  ratified  by  the  U.  M.  W.  convention  soon  afterwards. 
This  agreement  was  to  run  for  the  duration  of  the  war, 
or  until  March  31,  1920.  Among  its  provisions  was  the 
so-called  "penalty  clause"  which  provided  that  a  fine 
should  automatically  be  levied  upon  all  miners  guilty  of 
striking  in  violation  of  the  agreement.  No  strike  might 
take  place  till  established  methods  of  dealing  with  griev- 
ances had  been  exhausted.  A  bitter  debate  took  place 
in  the  1918  convention  over  this  clause,  but  the  officers 
urged  that  it  be  accepted  because  of  the  increase  in  wages 
that  went  with  it.  They  insisted  that  it  was  necessary 
for  the  good  name  of  the  organization,  which  was 
being  attacked  by  non-union  employers  because  of  the 
recurrence  of  illegal  local  strikes,  and  succeeded  in  per- 
suading a  large  majority  to  vote  for  it.  There  were  many 
protests,  however.  One  delegate  from  Illinois  who  objected 
vigorously  to  the  stand  taken  by  the  officials  in  this  matter 
said:  "The  intelligence  and  the  brains  and  the  backbone 
of  union  labor  do  not  rest  in  the  suitcase  of  a  labor  leader, 
it  rests  in  the  rank  and  file.  .  .  .  We  have  a  bunch  of 
thinking  men  down  there;  we  have  not  allowed  our 
officials  or  any  one  else  to  do  our  thinking  for  us."  " 
This  speech  may  perhaps  be  considered  a  forecast  of 
the  insurgent  movement  which  took  place  in  Illinois  the 
following  summer  in  rebellion  against  this  penalty  clause. 
The  feeling  against  the  agreement  grew  rapidly  as  the  time 
went  on,  especially  as  month  after  month  dragged  on 
after  the  Armistice  without  bringing  the  signing  of  peace 
appreciably  nearer.    The  cost  of  living  had  increased  so 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


97 


"  Proceedings  of  the  26th  Consecutive  and  3rd  Biennial  Convention,  U.  M. 
W.,  1918,  p.  435. 


that  the  Washington  wage  settlement  no  longer  seemed 
adequate,  yet  the  request  sent  to  Mr.  Garfield,  the  Fuel 
Administrator,  for  a  revision  of  the  bituminous  wage  scale, 
was  refused.     The  giving  up  of  wartime  control  over 
maximum  prices  of  coal  by  the  government  on  February 
I,  1919,  and  the  discontinuance  of  the  U.  S.  Fuel  Adminis- 
tration, which  was  one  of  the  parties  to  the  Washington 
agreement,  on  June  30,  1919,  increased  the  feeling  of  un- 
rest among  the  miners.    If  the  war  was  over  as  far  as  re- 
strictions on  operators  were  concerned,  it  was  also  over  as 
far  as  their  contract  was  concerned,  and  they  should  no 
longer  be  bound  by  its  provisions,  they  argued.    The  offi- 
cials of  the  union  were  reluctant  to  yield  to  the  demand  of 
the  rank  and  file  for  the  abrogation  of  the  agreement  in 
the  fall  of  1919,  but  were  forced  to  do  so  by  the  insistent 
pressure  that  came  from  all  parts  of  the  country.     Ac- 
cordingly,   when   the   miners*   convention   assembled    in 
Cleveland  in  September,   1919,  Acting  President  Lewis 
recommended  that  the  contract  be  terminated  on  Novem- 
ber I,  and  that  the  penalty  clause  be  omitted  from  the 
new  agreement  that  should  be  made. 

Demands  of  Convention 

This  convention  of  19 19  was  a  notable  one.  It  was 
distinctly  a  gathering  of  the  rank  and  file  who  were  de- 
termined to  speak  their  own  minds  and  not  yield  to  any 
domination  by  officials.  According  to  Mr.  Heber  Blank- 
enhorn,  90  per  cent  of  the  delegates  came  straight  from 
the  mines  and  looked  the  part,  with  their  corncob  pipes 
and  shirtsleeves.^*  The  appearance  of  the  gathering  was 
in  marked  contrast  to  that  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  convention 
of  the  preceding  June,  where  paid  union  officials  rather 
than  workers  predominated.    "This  is  to  be  a  convention 

^•Nation,  September   27,   1919,   "The  Miners  at   Cleveland." 


98 


THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 


of  the  men  from  the  picks  this  time,"  said  one  of  the  dele- 
gates in  urging  that  the  convention  rules  as  recommended 
by  the  Rules  Committee  be  amended  to  read  that  250 
members  rather  than  500  might  demand  a  roll-call." 
This  amendment  was  passed  on  the  ground  that  the  Com- 
mittee was  trying  to  centralize  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  officials.  The  principal  thing  done  by  the  convention 
was  to  decide  that  a  new  agreement  must  be  reached  with 
the  operators  before  November  i.  If  the  operators  were 
unwilling  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  agreement  with  them, 
a  general  strike  of  bituminous  coal  miners  throughout 
the  country  was  to  begin  on  that  date.  The  program 
advanced  by  the  Policy  Committee  was  adopted  as  a  basis 
for  negotiation.  The  principal  demands  to  be  presented 
to  the  operators  were  for  the  six-hour  day,  the  five-day 
week,  60  per  cent  increase  in  wages,  the  weekly  pay  day, 
and  abolition  of  the  penalty  clause.  This  demand  for 
the  thirty-hour  week,  vehemently  condemned  by  the  gen- 
eral public,  was  due  not  so  much  to  the  desire  for  greater 
leisure  as  to  the  desire  for  more  regular  work.  Evidence 
later  presented  to  the  Bituminous  Coal  Commission  showed 
that  the  miners  were  already  working  less  than  thirty 
hours  a  week  on  an  average  throughout  the  year,  because 
of  the  large  amount  of  unemployment  in  the  industry. 
The  Commission  reported  that  on  the  average  the  num- 
ber of  idle  days  out  of  the  possible  working  ones  was  93 
during  the  past  thirty  years,  and  in  1919  was  115."  This 
large  amount  of  lost  time,  which  was  a  serious  hardship 
to  the  miners,  was  due  partly  to  the  overdevelopment  of 
the  industry  resulting  in  the  opening  of  many  mines  that 
would  be  unnecessary  if  all  should  be  worked  to  their 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


99 


"  Proceedings  of  the  27th  Consecutive  and  4th  Biennial  Convention, 
U.    M.   W.,    1919.   p.    23. 

^*  Award  and  Recommendations  of  the  Bttuminous  Coal  Commission,  1930, 
pp.  35-26. 


fullest  capacity,  and  partly  to  the  irregular  demand  for 
coal  throughout  the  year.  This  irregular  demand  resulted 
in  periods  of  unemployment,  followed  by  periods  when 
as  much  coal  was  mined  as  could  be  transported  by  the 
available  coal  cars.  The  shortage  of  coal  cars  intensified 
the  evils  of  irregular  work.  The  demand  for  a  regular 
working  week  of  thirty  hours  was  an  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  miners  to  distribute  the  available  amount  of 
work  as  evenly  as  possible  throughout  the  year. 

Injunction  vs.  the  Strike 

The  convention  voted  that  the  Scale  Committee  make 
an  effort  to  negotiate  a  new  agreement  with  the  operators, 
presenting  these  demands  as  a  starting  point  for  discus- 
sion, and  that  it  refer  back  to  a  special  convention  any 
settlement  which  might  be  agreed  upon,  for  ratification. 
At  the  Joint  Wage  Conference  held  in  the  Central  Com- 
petitive Field  immediately  after  the  convention,  all  the 
demands   of   the   miners   were   denied   and    no   counter 
proposition  was  made,  except  to  continue  the  old  agree- 
ment till  March  31,  1920.    According  to  the  decision  of 
the  convention,  the  officers  of  the  union  therefore  had 
no  alternative  but  to  call  the  strike.     The  Secretary  of 
Labor  tried  to  bring  the  two  sides  together  but  failed,  and 
on  November  i  all  the  soft  coal  miners  in  the  union  laid 
down  their  tools.     It  was,  as  has  been  said,  the  first 
general  strike  of  soft  coal  miners  that  had  been  called 
in   the   United    States.     Just   as   it   was   beginning,   an 
injunction  was  issued  by  Judge  Anderson  of  the  U.  S. 
District  Court  in  Indianapolis  prohibiting  all  officials  of 
the  organization   from  doing  anything  toward  carrying 
on  the  strike,  however.     In  spite  of  this  the  miners  re- 
mained  out,    so   on    November   8  a   second    injunction 
was  issued  ordering  the  union  officials  to  cancel  the  strike 


1; 


'1 


100        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

order  and  direct  their  members  to  return  to  work.  This 
action  on  the  part  of  the  federal  authorities  was  based 
on  the  contention  that  the  strike  was  in  violation  of  the 
Lever  law  prohibiting  any  interference  with  the  produc- 
tion of  coal  during  the  war.  After  a  prolonged  meeting 
of  the  Executive  Board  and  the  presidents  of  the  different 
districts  and  other  officers,  lasting  from  lo  a.m.  Monday 
to  4  A.M.  Tuesday,  President  Lewis  of  the  international 
organization  issued  an  order  rescinding  the  strike,  on 
November  ii.  President  Farrington  of  District  12  and 
President  Howat  of  District  14  and  a  few  others  favored 
disregarding  the  injunction  and  taking  the  consequences, 
but  the  majority  advocated  a  more  prudent  course  of 
action.  These  injunctions  roused  great  bitterness  among 
the  rank  and  file  in  the  union,  and  many  felt  indignant 
that  their  officers  should  have  been  so  cowardly  as  to 
yield  to  what  they  considered  most  unjust  commands. 
Others  declared  that  the  officers  had  merely  taken  a  canny 
step  in  obeying  the  order  to  cancel  the  strike,  knowing 
that  the  mass  of  miners  would  refuse  to  return  to  work 
anyway.  So  strong  was  the  conviction  on  the  part  of  the 
members  of  the  union  that  the  strike  was  just  and  neces- 
sary, that  large  numbers  of  them  remained  out  for  some 
time  after  the  recall  order  was  issued. 

Temper  of  the  Rank  and  File 

The  general  temper  of  the  rank  and  file  at  this  time 
was  well  illustrated  at  the  special  convention  of  the 
Pennsylvania  State  Federation  of  Labor  in  Pittsburgh  in 
the  early  days  of  November,  which  was  attended  by 
the  writer.  A  large  representation  from  the  U.  M.  W. 
was  of  course  present,  and  when  a  resolution  protesting 
against  Judge  Anderson's  injunction  and  upholding  the 
strike  of  the  miners  was  introduced,  it  was  passed  almost 


THE  COAL^MINERS 


lOI 


unanimously.  One  former  member  of  the  U.  M.  W.  who 
opposed  the  resolution  on  the  ground  that  it  was  defying 
the  government  was  howled  down  in  a  wild  uproar.  The 
crowd  seemed  about  ready  to  lynch  him  and  was  with 
difficulty  restrained  by  the  president  of  the  Federation. 
The  mine  workers  were  not  at  war  with  the  government 
but  only  with  the  illegal  methods  of  some  government 
agents,  many  of  them  declared.  Early  in  December, 
eighty- four  representatives  of  the  union  were  indicted  for 
disobeying  the  injunction  in  regard  to  ending  the  strike, 
and  were  put  under  heavy  bonds.  It  was  charged  that 
the  recall  notice  had  been  issued  without  the  official  seal 
of  the  union,  and  hence  was  disregarded  by  many.  Strike 
benefits  were  said  to  have  been  paid  by  some  locals,  also. 
Most  of  the  cases  were  continued  indefinitely,  however, 
as  the  miners  in  general  had  gone  back  to  work  by  the 
time  the  cases  came  up  in  court,  on  December  16,  due 
to  the  issuance  of  special  orders  by  the  Policy  Committee 
of  the  union.  President  Howat  of  Kansas  was  held  in 
jail  for  not  ordering  his  men  back  to  work,  and  3,000 
Kansas  miners  at  once  walked  out  on  strike  in  protest 
against  his  imprisonment.^^  Before  long  he  promised 
to  obey  the  court,  however,  and  was  released. 

Bituminous  Coal  Commission 

Meanwhile  unsuccessful  attempts  to  bring  about  a 
settlement  of  the  main  points  at  issue  had  been  made  by 
Mr.  Wilson,  the  Secretary  of  Labor,  who  suggested  a 
31  per  cent  increase  in  wages,  and  Mr.  Garfield,  the  Fuel 

"Since  then  Howat  has  won  notoriety  for  his  persistent  defiance  of  the 
Kansas  Industrial  Court  law,  and  his  sentence  to  prison  because  of  it  His 
continued  refusal  to  order  back  to  work  certain  miners  who  had  struck 
m  violation  of  contract,  even  when  directed  to  do  so  by  the  national  con- 
yent^n,  resulted  in  his  suspension  in  October,  1921.  Large  numbers  of 
the  Kansas  miners,  who  were  striking  in  protest  against  his  imprisonment, 
continued  to  support  hira,  however^  and  refused  to  recognize  the  provisional 
president  appointed  by  Lewis  in  his  place.  f        a      .»i 


i 


I02        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

Administrator,  who  advocated  a  raise  of  14  per  cent. 
Both  sides  finally  agreed  to  accept  the  decision  of  the 
Bituminous  Coal  Commission,  which  President  Wilson 
offered  to  appoint,  and  this  Commission,  which  had  one 
representative  of  each  side  and  one  of  the  general  public, 
made  its  award  in  March,  1920,  after  lengthy  hearings 
and  examination  of  the  elaborate  statistics  presented  by 
both  sides.  The  miners  as  well  as  the  operators  engaged 
the  services  of  distinguished  economists  and  statisticians 
to  present  their  cases.  The  Commissioners  exonerated 
the  miners  from  the  charge  of  laziness  brought  against 
them  by  the  operators,  who  claimed  that  much  of  their 
idleness  was  due  to  unwillingness  to  work  all  the  avail- 
able time.  They  pointed  out  that  although  some  irregu- 
larity of  habits  existed  among  the  men,  it  was  due  more 
to  the  psychological  eflfect  of  not  being  allowed  to  work 
every  day  than  to  anything  else.  Knowing  that  the  total 
number  of  days  worked  in  the  year  would  be  approxi- 
mately the  same  anyway,  the  miners  felt  that  it  made 
little  difference  if  they  did  take  voluntary  holidays  once  in 
a  while.  Although  appreciating  the  hardships  due  to  the 
lack  of  steady  work,  the  majority  of  the  Commission 
was  unwilling  to  recommend  the  six-hour  day,  however, 
as  it  maintained  that  this  would  be  no  remedy  for  the 
situation.  During  the  rush  season  it  was  necessary  for 
the  miners  to  work  full  time,  and  restricting  the  number 
of  their  hours  would  result  merely  in  the  opening  of  new 
mines,  and  the  drawing  of  new  men  into  the  industry, 
which  would  make  the  situation  worse  in  the  long  run, 
it  claimed.  The  Majority  Report  recommended  that 
certain  steps  be  taken  to  regularize  employment  in  the 
industry,  but  had  no  power  to  put  such  recommendations 
into  effect.  It  provided,  however,  for  Joint  Commissions 
to  consider  problems  connected  with  competitive  relations, 


m 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


103 


"differentials"  as  to  working  conditions  in  different  dis- 
tricts, etc.,  and  for  tribunals  to  settle  future  disputes. 
Details  of  the  award  were  to  be  worked  out  by  the  Joint 
Scale  Committees.  An  increase  of  2"]  per  cent  in  wages 
was  granted  to  the  "tonnage"  men  (those  who  were  paid 
according  to  the  amount  of  coal  turned  out),  but  only 
20  per  cent  to  the  men  who  were  paid  on  the  time  basis, 
on  the  ground  that  the  latter  had  had  a  greater  increase 
than  the  former  previous  to  this. 

The  representative  of  the  miners  on  the  Commission, 
a  former  president  of  the  union,  brought  in  a  Minority 
Report,  maintaining  that  the  thirty-hour  week  was  a 
necessary  measure,  not  merely  for  regularizing  employ- 
ment, but  also  in  order  that  the  basis  of  pay  might  be 
determined  on  the  theory  that  thirty  hours  of  work  rather 
than  forty-eight  was  all  that  the  miner  could  expect  on 
the  average."  The  Minority  Report  condemned  the 
discrimination  made  between  the  tonnage  men  and  the 
time  workers,  and  various  other  decisions  of  the  Majority 
of  the  Commission.  The  award  was  unsatisfactory  to 
the  miners  in  many  ways,  as  the  wage  was  still  far  from 
adequate  for  the  cost  of  living,  and  no  solution  of  the 
fundamental  difficulties  of  the  situation  was  oflFered. 
Nevertheless  a  joint  conference  of  bituminous  miners 
and  operators  signed  a  two-year  agreement  based  upon 
this  award  on  March  31,  1920— an  agreement  which 
included  among  other  things  the  much  hated  penalty 
clause  for  stoppages  of  work. 

Insurgent  Strike 

Although  the  award  was  accepted  by  the  officials  there 
were  certain  groups  within  the  union  who  went  on  strike 


^  Award    and    Recommendations    of    the    Bituminous    Coal    Commission 
1 9 JO,  pp.  83-84.  ' 


I04        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

in  protest  against  it.  Illinois  miners  who  were  paid  by 
the  day  went  out  in  the  week  of  July  19,  and  the  tonnage 
men  had  to  follow,  so  mines  were  shut  down  all  over 
the  state.  President  Farrington  had  been  opposed  to 
submitting  the  case  to  the  Commission  in  the  first  place, 
and  when  the  strike  occurred  he  hurried  to  confer  with  the 
Illinois  operators  in  regard  to  an  increase  in  wages  with- 
out even  consulting  Lewis,  the  international  president. 
The  strike  was  condemned  by  the  U.  M.  W.  Journal  as 
a  flagrant  breach  of  contract,  but  when  Ohio  and  Indiana 
also  made  new  demands,  President  Lewis  was  forced  to 
take  action.  Due  to  his  request.  President  Wilson  called 
a  new  conference  with  the  operators  in  the  Central  Field. 
This  new  conference  soon  broke  up,  however,  and  the 
miners  in  the  diflFerent  states  then  began  to  seek  separate 
agreements,  which  they  succeeded  in  making  in  some 
cases,  thus  putting  aside  for  the  time  being  the  principle 
of  the  collective  agreement  for  the  whole  central  terri- 
tory.^® The  miners  were  not  the  only  ones  to  whom  the 
decision  of  the  Commission  was  distasteful,  however,  for 
the  six  months'  strike  in  Alabama,  beginning  in  September, 
1920,  was  due  to  the  refusal  of  the  operators  there  to 
carry  out  the  recommendations  which  it  had  made. 

Unrest  among  Anthracite  Miners 

The  anthracite  miners,  meanwhile,  had  decided  to  let 
their  contract  continue  till  it  naturally  expired  in  March, 
1920.  At  that  time  they  made  demands  similar  to  those 
of  the  bituminous  miners,  and  failed  to  recall  any  agree- 
ment with  the  operators.  Accordingly  an  Anthracite 
Coal  Commission  was  appointed  by  President  Wilson  to 


"^^  Survey,  Sept.   i,   1920,  "The  Illinois  Miners." 
^  The  refusal  of  the  operators  of  the  Central  Field  to  negotiate  for  a  new 
joint  a|rreement  for  the  whole  territory   in   March,    1922,  helped   precipitate 
the  strike  which   began   in  April. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


lOS 


decide  the  questions  at  issue.  This  Commission  also 
failed  to  agree,  and  the  Majority  Report  was  most  un- 
acceptable to  the  miners.  As  soon  as  it  was  made 
public,  a  group  of  insurgents  in  District  No.  i  sent  word 
to  President  Wilson  that  they  would  strike  if  he  did  not 
endorse  the  Minority  rather  than  the  Majority  Report. 
This  he  was  naturally  quite  unwilling  to  do,  as  both 
sides  had  promised  beforehand  to  accept  the  award  of 
the  Commission.  An  agreement  based  on  the  Majority 
decision  was  signed  by  the  Tri-district  Scale  Committee 
on  September  2,  1920,  but  at  the  same  time  this  com- 
mittee asked  that  the  case  be  reopened.  Meanwhile  a 
large  group  of  insurgents — according  to  the  New  York 
Times,  more  than  80,000  out  of  the  175,000  men  em- 
ployed in  the  three  anthracite  districts  ^° — went  out  on  a 
"vacation,"  in  an  effort  to  force  the  acceptance  of  their  de- 
mands as  expressed  in  the  Minority  Report.  This  action 
was  strongly  condemned  by  the  union  officials,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  most  of  the  men  back  to  work  before 
October  i.  The  great  dissatisfaction  with  the  award 
caused  the  case  to  be  reopened,  however,  and  joint  con- 
ferences between  operators  and  miners  were  held  in  an 
effort  to  adjust  difficulties. 

Demand  for  Nationalization  of  Mines 

As  has  already  been  stated,  the  U.  M.  W.  has  in  the 
past  been  considered  one  of  the  most  conservative  of 
unions.  Unlike  most  other  industrial  unions,  it  has  no 
sign  of  class  consciousness  in  the  preamble  to  its  consti- 
tution, or  any  indication  in  the  statement  of  its  aims  that 
it  hopes  for  any  radical  change  in  the  basis  of  our  indus- 
trial life.  Nevertheless  in  adopting  a  resolution  in  favor 
of  the  nationalization  of  the  mines  at  the  1919  convention, 

**  New  York  Times,  Sept.  i,  1920. 


t 


io6         THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

the  union  committed  itself  to  a  policy  which  may  prove 
most  significant  for  the  future  of  the  mining  industry. 
This  step,  which  had  heen  recommended  by  President 
Hayes  and  approved  by  the  Policy  Committee  early  in 
1919,  was  doubtless  due  partly  to  the  example  of  the 
British  miners ;  yet  the  chaotic  conditions  of  the  industry 
here  in  America  helped  convince  the  members  of  the  union 
that  a  radical  reconstruction  was  necessary.  Eleven 
different  resolutions  on  the  subject  were  introduced  at 
the  convention,  but  the  one  which  was  unanimously 
passed  after  only  a  short  debate  was  a  substitute  one  sub- 
mitted by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  It  read  in 
part  as  follows: 

Coal  mining  is  a  basic  industry,  indispensable  to  the  economic 
life  of  the  nation,  and  to  the  well  being  of  the  nation's  citizens. 
The  all  important  coal  resources  of  our  country  are  owned  and 
controlled  by  private  interests.  Under  the  prevailing  system  of 
private  ownership  coal  is  mined  primarily  for  the  purpose  of 
creating  profits  for  the  coal  owners.  The  production  of  coal 
under  this  system  is  characterized  by  an  appalling  economic  waste. 
The  incomparable  natural  resources  of  America,  and  particularly 
those  of  timber  and  coal,  are  being  despoiled  under  a  system  of 
production  which  wastes  from  33  to  50%  of  these  resources  in 
order  that  the  maximum  dividends  may  accrue  to  those  capitalists 
who  have  secured  ownership  of  these  indispensable  commodities. 

We  hold  that  the  coal  supply  of  our  nation  should  be  owned  by 
the  commonwealth  and  operated  in  the  interest  of,  and  for  the  use 
and  comfort  of,  all  the  people  of  the  commonwealth.    .    .    . 

Our  coal  resources  are  the  birthright  of  the  American  people 
for  all  time  to  come  and  we  hold  that  it  is  the  immediate  duty  of 
the  American  people  to  prevent  the  profligate  waste  that  is  taking 
place  under  private  ownership  of  these  resources  by  having  the 
government  take  such  steps  as  may  be  necessary  providing  for  the 
nationalization  of  the  coal  mining  industry  of  the  United  States. 

Under  private  ownership,  where  production  is  conducted  for 
private  gain,  the  spirit  of  the  times  seems  to  be:  After  us  the 
Deluge.     This  must  be  supplanted  by  a  system  where  production 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


107 


will  be  for  use  and  the  common  good,  and  economic  waste  will 
give  way  to  conservation  of  the  nation's  heritage  in  the  interest 
of  posterity." 

As  will  be  noticed,  the  principal  reason  given  for 
their  demand  for  nationalization  of  the  mines  was  not 
that  their  own  interests  would  thereby  be  furthered,  but 
that  the  American  people  as  a  whole  would  profit  by  a 
change  to  a  system  where  production  would  not  be  for 
private  profit  but  for  the  common  good.  The  resolution 
ordered  that  a  bill  be  presented  to  Congress,  providing 
that  the  United  States  government  purchase  all  coal 
properties  in  the  country  and  operate  the  industry,  and 
that  the  mine  workers  be  given  "equal  representation" 
on  the  commissions  which  should  administer  the  affairs 
of  the  industry,  or  a  least  those  which  dealt  with  wages 
and  working  conditions.  In  the  brief  discussion  that 
followed  the  introduction  of  this  resolution,  at  least  one 
delegate  emphasized  the  necessity  of  keeping  the  right 
to  strike  even  if  the  mines  were  taken  over  by  the 
government.  That  of  course  raises  the  question  of  what 
the  effect  of  government  ownership  would  be  upon  the 
miners  if  it  were  combined  with  the  loss  of  the  right  to 
strike.  The  union  certainly  has  not  taken  kindly  to  the 
Kansas  law  requiring  that  disputes  be  settled  by  the  Indus- 
trial Court  rather  than  by  strikes,  or  to  other  instances 
of  government  interference  with  its  affairs.  The  attitude 
of  the  miners  toward  the  actual  nationalization  of  the 
mines  would  depend  largely  on  the  degree  to  which  they 
were  given  a  voice  in  the  administration  of  the  mines — 
as  was  brought  out  when  the  subject  was  first  introduced 
at  the  19 18  convention.  A  resolution  introduced  at  the 
19 19  convention  by  one  of  the  Illinois  delegates  providing 

"  Proceedings  of  the  U.  M.  W.  Convention,   1919,  p.  84J. 


io8        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

that  the  government  take  over  all  industry  for  the  bene- 
fit of  all  the  people  and  "eliminate  the  curse  known  as 
profit,'"  was  promptly  voted  down  by  the  delegates. 
They  were  there  to  accomplish  certain  definite  things  for 
their  own  industry,  but  were  not  in  the  mood  for  general 
Socialistic  declarations.*^ 

Mixture  of  Conservatism  and  Radicalism 

The  delegates  at  the  convention  passed  a  resolution 
endorsing  the  Plumb  Plan  for  government  ownership 
and  democratic  operation  of  the  railroads,  and  pledging 
their  support  to  it,  and  also  voted  to  instruct  their 
officials  to  confer  with  railroad  unions  in  order  to  bring 
about  an  alliance  similar  to  that  of  Britain."  Another 
interesting  decision  was  one  in  favor  of  calling  a  con- 
ference of  representatives  of  various  unions  to  consider 
organizing  a  labor  party  representative  of  workers  of 
both  hand  and  brain.**  To  this  conference  the  cooperative 
movement  and  the  Non-Partisan  League  were  to  be  in- 
vited to  send  delegates.  A  similar  resolution  in  favor 
of  a  labor  party  had  been  voted  down  in  1909.  The  con- 
vention of  1919  also  declared  for  the  repeal  of  the 
Espionage  Act  and  for  the  withdrawal  of  troops  from 
Russia,  and  applauded  vigorously  a  radical  speech  by 
Seymour  Stedman,  now  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Socialist  Party.  On  the  other  hand,  their  traditional 
conservatism  manifested  itself  by  voting  down  all  com- 
munistic or  "one-big-union"  proposals.  A  resolution 
introduced  by  a  Montana  local  favoring  breaking  away 

^,,Mi}^  il*°*?"**"5  *?  "°**  *^**  *  *yP'<^*'  Socialist  resolution   in  favor  of 
public   ownership   and   democratic   management   of    all    the   means   of    produc- 
tion and  exchange  that  are  collectively  used,   was  passed  by  the  U    M    W 
convention  ten  years  before,  though  it  was  evidently  not  taki  very  seriously* 
(Proceedings  of  1909  Convention,  p.  421.)  '  s^riousiy. 

^Proceedings  of  the  U.  M.  W.  Convention,  1919,  p.  393-94. 
**  Ibid.,  p.  869. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


109 


from  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  as  it  had  "never  at  any  time  been 
of  any  benefit  to  the  U.  M.  W.,  or  the  working  men  of 
America,"  and  as  "no  man  worthy  the  name  of  labor 
leader  would  accept  a  salary  of  $10,000  a  year  while  mem- 
bers of  the  Federation  are  in  many  cases  receiving  less 
than  $500"  was  sharply  attacked  and  voted  down  almost 
unanimously."  The  same  local  presented  another  reso- 
lution declaring  for  one  big  union  of  all  the  working 
men  and  women  of  the  United  States,  which  met  with  a 
similar  fate.  Furthermore,  District  18  which  had  affili- 
ated with  the  Canadian  One  Big  Union  was  expelled 
from  the  organization  uncompromisingly.  The  constitu- 
tion was  also  amended  so  as  to  require  the  expulsion  of 
all  members  of  the  One  Big  Union,  as  well  as  of  the 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  and  other  "dual" 
organizations  not  affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  from 
membership  in  the  U.  M.  W.,  and  to  debar  them  perma- 
nently from  holding  office  in  the  union  even  if  they  should 
be  readmitted  to  it.  Although  the  miners  were  ready  to 
take  some  rather  radical  steps,  they  insisted  that  those 
steps  should  be  taken  within  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  not  outside 
it. 


Nationalization  Campaign 

In  spite  of  the  declaration  in  favor  of  the  nationaliza- 
tion of  the  mines,  little  was  heard  from  the  organization 
on  the  subject  until  the  next  convention.  The  administra- 
tion quietly  ignored  the  matter,  much  to  the  disgust  of 
some  of  the  more  radical  members  of  the  union.  In 
December,  1920,  Mr.  Enoch  Williams,  leader  of  the 
insurgent  group  in  the  anthracite  fields,  wrote  a  series 
of  articles  for  the  Federated  Press  attacking  the  national 
officials  of  the  U.  M.  W.  for  so  disregarding  the  wishes 

"  Ihid.,  p.  580. 


no         THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

of  the  rank  and  file.  He  maintained  that  the  desire  for 
nationalization  was  widespread  among  the  members,  yet 
since  this  policy  was  officially  adopted  not  one  article 
on  the  subject  had  been  allowed  to  appear  in  the  official 
journal,  and  all  letters  from  miners  which  dealt  with  the 
question  had  been  suppressed.^*  This  may  be  due  to 
the  fact  that  President  Lewis  is  less  in  sympathy  with 
the  platform  of  nationalization  than  was  his  predecessor 
who  formulated  it.  At  the  1921  convention,  however, 
the  union  reaffirmed  the  stand  which  had  been  taken  in 
regard  to  government  ownership  of  the  mines  two  years 
before  and  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  a  bill 
providing  for  it.  The  committee  was  also  empowered 
to  carry  on  a  campaign  of  education  in  regard  to  nationali- 
zation, through  the  columns  of  the  Miners'  Journal  and 
by  means  of  published  pamphlets.  The  chairman  of  this 
committee  is  John  Brophy,  president  of  District  No.  2. 

District  No.  2  had  already  taken  a  decided  stand  on 
this  issue  at  a  special  convention  held  in  February,  1921. 
President  Brophy  presented  a  program  of  education  in 
regard  to  the  need  for  nationalization,  and  this  program 
was  adopted  after  thorough  discussion,  point  by  point. 
It  recognized  that  a  campaign  of  education  among  the 
miners  was  necessary  if  they  were  really  to  understand 
the  larger  issues  facing  the  union,  so  pamphlets  were  to 
be  prepared  by  the  district  dealing  with  such  subjects  as 
the  mismanagement  of  the  mines,  unreasonable  profits, 
workers'  control,  and  nationalization.  Discussion  classes 
and  a  labor  paper  were  to  aid  in  spreading  the  information 
obtained  by  experts  who  were  to  be  employed  to  study 
the  industry.  According  to  President  Brophy,  the  plan 
for  nationalization  will  remain  only  a  "pious  hope  and 
a  vague  aspiration  until  the  rank  and  file  know  what  the 

^British  Columbia  Federationist,  Dec.   lo,  1920. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


III 


program  means,  why  it  is  needed  here  and  now,  and  how 
to  get  it."  ^^  Instead  of  putting  all  its  energies  to  securing 
redress  of  small  grievances,  the  union  should  work  for 
such  a  reconstruction  of  the  industry  as  will  cut  out  waste, 
unemployment,  and  exorbitant  prices,  he  maintains.  A 
more  rational  plan  for  production,  more  continuous 
operation  of  the  mines  that  are  essential  for  satisfying 
the  demand,  elimination  of  the  great  waste  of  opening 
new  ones  which  are  not  needed,  lower  prices,  and  better 
conditions  for  the  miners,  will  result  from  nationalization, 
President  Brophy  believes."  This  movement  for  educa- 
tion of  the  rank  and  file  in  regard  to  such  matters  is 
most  significant,  for  only  when  the  workers  have  obtained 
a  thorough  understanding  of  the  industry  in  which  they 
work  can  they  hope  for  any  considerable  share  in  its 
control.  The  appointment  of  President  Brophy  as  chair- 
man of  the  new  national  committee  on  government  owner- 
ship promises  more  energetic  action  than  has  yet  been 
taken  in  the  direction  of  nationalization  of  the  mines. 

Internal  Dissensions 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  conservative  policies  of  the 
Lewis  administration  caused  the  election  of  international 
officers  in  December,  1920,  to  be  hotly  contested.  Robert 
Harlin  of  Seattle  and  Alexander  Howat  of  Kansas,  both 
of  whom  are  distinctly  more  radical  than  Lewis  or 
Murray,  fought  their  reelection  to  the  presidency  and  vice- 
presidency,  and  won  the  backing  of  some  of  the  more 
conservative  members  of  the  union  (such  as  Farrington 
of  Illinois)  as  well  as  of  the  radicals.  Nevertheless  the 
old  officials  were  victorious  by  a  large  majority.  At  the 
national  convention  in  192 1  the  opponents  of  the  adminis- 

"  New  York  Call,  May   12,   igai,  p.   5. 
**  Survey,  March   12,   1921,  p.  845. 


112        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

tration  did  their  best  to  block  all  measures  approved  by 
the  president,   and   although   Lewis  won  on  practically 
every  issue,  they  put  up  a  bitter  fight  against  him.    Part 
of  this  opposition  was  due  merely  to  personal  rivalry,  but 
there  is  a  vigorous   and  outspoken   minority   which   is 
honestly  opposed  to  the  ruling  policies  of  the  organization, 
and  condemns  what  it  considers  the  truckling  to  govern- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  officials.    Connivance  between  the 
coal  operators  and  the  officials  of  the  union  is  also  charged, 
and  the  fact  that  many   former  representatives  of  the 
union  have  accepted  well-paid  positions  with  the  operators 
is   repeatedly  stressed,  with  the   implication  that   while 
still   in   the   employ   of   the   union   they   were   working 
in  the  interests  of  the  companies.     Mr.  Enoch  Williams 
in  his  articles  in  the  Federated  Press  charges  that  the 
interference  of  the  coal  operators  in  union  affairs  is  at 
the  bottom  of  the  discontent  among  the  rank  and  file. 
There  is  talk  in  mining  towns  of  various  officials  who 
have  been  elected  by  corporation  influence,  or  who  have 
"sold  out"  the  rank  and  file  for  their  own  advantage,  he 
declares.^*    Such  charges  have  been  made  against  officials 
in  earlier  years  also — and,  on  the  other  hand,  officials 
have  repeatedly   complained  of   conspiracies  seeking  to 
destroy  the  union  by  hampering  the  administration  and 
advising   secession.      The   great    diff'erence    in    economic 
status  between  officials  and  members  of  the  union  helps 
to  create  a  gulf  between  them,  so  that  innumerable  mis- 
understandings arise,  and   in  some  cases  there  may  be 
actual    corruption,    but  the    sweeping    charges    of    Mr. 
Williams  are  probably  exaggerated.     Nevertheless  they 
indicate  a  spirit  of  unrest  within  the  organization  that 
should  not  be  ignored. 

**  New  York  Call,  Dec.  7,  8,  1920. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


"3 


Insurgent  Movement  in  Illinois 

The  insurgent  movement  in  Illinois  in  1919  affords  an 
interesting  illustration  of  the  conflicting  currents  within 
the  union.     As  has  been  said,  its  immediate  cause  was 
the  levying  of  fines  upon  miners  who  went  out  on  strike. 
Many  of  the  Illinois  miners  had  joined  in  the  demonstra- 
tion in  behalf  of  Tom  Mooney,  whom  they  believed  to  be 
unjustly  convicted  of  murder,  and  had  remained  away 
from  work  from  one  to  five  days,  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  national  and  district  officials.     Although  work  was 
very  slack  at  the  time,  these  miners  were  fined  several 
dollars  apiece,  much  to  their  indignation.    The  depression 
in  business  following  the  Armistice,  resulting  in  much 
unemployment,  the  rising  cost  of  living,  and  the  suffering 
due  to  the  influenza  epidemic  had  all  combined  to  cause 
restlessness  among  the  miners  and  make  them  feel  that  a 
new  agreement,  providing  for  higher  wages  and  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  penalty  clause,  was  imperative  before  another 
winter  set  in,  yet  the  district  officials  were  making  no 
move  to  remedy  the  situation.     Accordingly,  on  August 
3,  a  mass  meeting  was  held  at  Priesters  Park  in  Belleville, 
with  about  2,000  present,  at  which  it  was  voted  to  strike 
in   protest   against  the   existing  agreement.     A   radical 
resolution  was  adopted,  declaring  that  the  capitalist  sys- 
tem had  completely  broken  down  and  was  "no  longer  able 
to  supply  the  material  and  spiritual  needs  of  the  workers 
of  the  land";  the  delegates  to  the  national  convention 
of  the  U.  M.  W.  should  therefore  work  to  "pull  the 
organization  out  of  the  hands  of  labor  fakirs,  so  that 
the  power  to  legislate  be  again  in  the  keeping  of' the  rank 
and  file,"  and  should  see  that  a  call  was  issued  to  the 
workers  of  all  industries  to  an  industrial  Congress,  there 
to  demand   that  all   the   instruments   of   production   be 


* 


114         THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

handed  over  to  them.*^  These  demands  showed  the  influ- 
ence of  a  pamphlet  called,  The  Mines  to  the  Miners,  which 
was  circulated  widely  by  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party 
throughout  the  district.  For  this  reason,  President  Far- 
rington  of  District  12  declared  that  that  party  was  at  the 
bottom  of  the  whole  movement,  which  he  interpreted  as 
an  attempt  to  disrupt  the  miners'  union.  On  August  8 
he  issued  a  letter  to  all  members  of  District  12,  calling 
the  leaders  of  the  insurgents  emissaries  of  the  S.  L.  P., 
advocates  of  I.  W.  W.'ism,  fakirs,  fanatics,  etc.  "Men 
who  seem  to  have  forgotten  their  obligations  as  members 
of  our  union  are  lending  aid  to  the  elements  of  destruc- 
tion, and  every  fundamental  of  the  U.  M.  W.  of  A.  is 
being  flouted  and  outraged.  Such  conduct  is  striking 
at  the  very  vitals  of  our  nation.  It  is  nothing  short  of 
treason,"  he  declared.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  S.  L. 
P.  representatives  had  advised  against  the  strike  and  urged 
that  the  miners  turn  their  attention  to  fundamental  re- 
forms within  their  own  organization,  so  that  the  rank 
and  file  might  really  control  it  and  through  it  make  an 
effective  demand  for  the  overthrow  of  capitalism.  When 
they  saw  that  the  strike  was  inevitable  they  helped  with 
it  for  awhile,  but  the  chief  promoters  of  the  insurgent 
movement  were  decidedly  opposed  to  the  S.  L.  P.,  accord- 
ing to  President  Thompson  of  Sub-district  4.'*  The 
causes  of  the  movement  were  much  more  deep-seated  than 
any  radical  propaganda. 

Progress  of  the  Strike 

At  a  second  meeting  held  on  August  5,  a  Policy  Com- 
mittee was  formed,  with  representatives  from  the  mines 

***  A   somewhat   similar   resolution   was  adopted  at  the  convention  of    Sub- 
district    4,    of    District    12,    in    April.    1930. 

"  Proceedings   of   the    5t*    Semi-aHnual    Convention   of    Sub-district    4,    of 
District  la,  U.  M.  W.,  April,  1920,  p.   12,  Report  of  President  Thompson. 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


"5 


in  the  region,  to  conduct  the  strike  and  to  induce  all 
miners  in  the  state  to  join.  It  declared  that  the  Washing- 
ton agreement  had  expired,  and  hence  penalty  fines  were 
illegal,  and  demanded  that  a  special  district  convention 
be  called  to  negotiate  a  new  wage  scale.  The  District 
Executive  Board  refused  to  call  the  special  convention,  so 
the  insurgents  called  one  themselves,  and  drew  up  a 
statement  of  demands,  including  the  socialization  of  the 
mines  among  other  things.  A  resolution  was  also  passed 
calling  for  the  impeachment  of  President  Farrington 
and  other  district  officials,  for  neglect  of  duty,  extrava- 
gance, etc.  By  this  time  the  strike  had  become  wide- 
spread, and  according  to  the  insurgent  leaders,  representa- 
tives of  141  locals  and  55,000  members  were  present  at 
the  convention.*^  President  Farrington  claimed  that  only 
20,000  out  of  90,000  miners  in  the  state  were  involved  in 
the  strike,  but  the  Policy  Committee  at  Springfield  de- 
clared that  75,000  went  out  before  the  strike  was  over. 
Policy  Committees  were  established  in  the  different  sub- 
districts,  and  their  chairmen  made  up  the  state  Policy 
Committee.  The  insurgents  claimed  that  they  were  not 
setting  up  a  rival  organization,  however,  but  were  merely 
seeking  redress  of  grievances.  "Crusaders"  from  Belle- 
ville went  through  the  district,  enlisting  recruits  for  the 
strike,  but  were  turned  back  at  the  point  of  a  gun  by 
special  deputies.  Many  "loyal"  members  of  the  union 
were  appointed  as  deputies  and  given  arms,  and  at  the 
convention  of  Sub-district  4  in  April,  1920,  it  was  in- 
sinuated that  many  of  these  deputies  were  paid  out  of 
union  funds  in  order  to  force  the  strikers  back  to  work. 
The  district  officials  had  refused  to  itemize  the  account 
of  $27,000  spent  in  fighting  the  insurgent  strike,  though 
the  constitution   required  this,  and   many  demands  had 

**  Proceedings  of  the  U.  M.  W.  Convention,  1919,  pp.  445-48. 


! 


\i 


m 


ii6        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

been  made  for  it.®^  One  delegate  remarked,  "I  think  the 
Kaiser  didn't  have  much  on  the  way  the  rank  and  file 
are  treated  by  our  officers."  ^*  Much  resentment  was 
caused  by  the  methods  used  by  the  district  officials  in 
putting  down  the  movement.  Certain  delegates  from 
Belleville  were  slugged  when  on  their  way  to  address 
the  miners  at  Springfield,  and  a  firm  belief  that  Farring- 
ton  was  responsible  for  this  caused  the  Springfield  group 
to  join  the  insurgents  at  once.  The  charge  of  com- 
plicity in  this  aflFair  was  not  denied  by  Farrington.'* 

Aftermath 

Although  the  "outlaw"  convention  held  on  August  19 
voted  to  call  off  the  strike,  on  the  ground  that  the  national 
officers  had  decided  to  negotiate  for  a  new  agreement, 
large  numbers  of  the  Illinois  miners  remained  out  for 
some  time  longer.  The  operators  agreed  to  refund  the 
Mooney  strike  fines  and  not  collect  fines  for  this  strike 
if  the  men  returned  to  work  by  August  30,  upon  the 
promise  of  Farrington  that  the  charters  of  all  locals 
whose  members  refused  to  return  by  that  time  should  be 
revoked.  This  apparent  cooperation  between  operators 
and  union  officials  made  many  of  the  insurgents  angry, 
and  twenty- four  locals  remained  on  strike  long  enough 
to  suffer  the  threatened  penalty.  The  Peoria  miners 
replied  to  the  threat  of  the  loss  of  their  charter  by  a 
telegram  addressed  to  "His  Royal  Highness,  Lord 
Farrington,"  which  said  in  part:  "You  all  can  go  to 
Hell  and  take  the  charter  with  you,  for  may  we  not  advise 
you  to  get  passports  to  Holland  and  join  your  friend 
Bill  Hohenzollern,  for  the  miners  will  not  stand  for  the 


**  Proceedings   of    the    Sub-district    No.    4,    District    No.    12,    Convention, 
April,  1920,  p.  70. 

**  Ibid.,  p.  59. 

**  Jbid.,   p.    10.  •  .     » 


li  .ui 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


117 


organization  being  Kaiserized  any  longer."  A  mass 
meeting  of  Peoria  locals  had  previously  passed  a  resolu- 
tion (which  was  later  introduced  at  the  national  conven- 
tion) complaining  of  the  "treacherous  anti-working  class 
conduct  of  the  officials  of  District  12 — Farrington  and 
others,"  who  had  been  corrupted  by  the  operators,  and 
declared  for  a  revision  of  the  constitution  to  make  it 
conform  to  the  spirit  of  true  industrial  unionism.^® 

The  strike  died  out  gradually  and  by  early  September 
was  practically  over.  Thereupon  began  a  campaign  of 
retribution.  Although  new  locals  were  promptly  organ- 
ized in  place  of  those  which  had  lost  their  charters,  the 
ringleaders  of  the  strike  were  refused  readmission  or 
expelled,  and  hence  could  get  no  work  in  Illinois  mines, 
and  without  transfer  cards  could  with  difficulty  work 
elsewhere.  The  operators  discriminated  against  the 
insurgents  in  many  cases  also,  and  as  it  was  necessary 
to  have  a  job  before  rejoining  the  union,  kept  many  out 
of  the  organization  in  that  way.  Many  protests  against 
"unfair  discrimination"  were  voiced  at  the  district  and 
sub-district  convention  of  1920.  At  the  national  con- 
vention in  September,  19 19,  delegates  from  the  twenty- 
four  expelled  locals  presented  themselves,  and  a  long 
debate  occurred  over  the  question  of  seating  them,  those 
in  favor  speaking  of  the  fine  spirit  shown  by  the 
insurgents  and  the  inactivity  of  the  district  officials  in 
remedying  intolerable  conditions,  and  those  opposed 
maintaining  that  the  whole  movement  was  merely  an 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  U.  M.  W.  to  wreck  the  union. 
It  was  finally  voted  that  they  could  not  be  seated.^^ 

^Proceedings  of  the  U.  M.  W.  Convention,  1919,  p.  635-36. 

"  For  a  full  discussion  of  the  question,  see  pp.  438-560  of  the  Proceed- 
ings of  the  U.  M.  W.  Convention  of   19 19. 

Before  turning  away  from  the  Illinois  situation  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Farrington  upheld  the  Illinois  strikers  of  1920  in  their  protest  against 
the  award  of  the  Bituminous  Commission,  though  their  strike  was  considered 
by  the  national  officials  to  be  a  flagrant  violation  of  agreement. 


Ii8        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

Summary  of  Main  Characteristics 

In  bringing  this  chapter  to  a  close,  we  may  sum  up 
the  main  characteristics  of  the  U.  M.  W.  as  follows: 
The  organization  is  one  of  the  largest  and  most  success- 
ful in  the  country,  but  nevertheless  it  is  still  forced  to  fight 
bitter  conflicts  for  the  right  to  exist  in  certain  regions. 
In  general  its  officials  maintain  loyalty  to  contracts 
scrupulously,  but  occasionally  groups  within  the  union 
get  beyond  their  control,  due  to  the  pressure  of  circum- 
stances which  seem  intolerable  to  the  rank  and  file.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  union  officials  in  some  cases  are  less 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  their  members  than  perhaps 
they  should  be,  and  are  content  to  receive  large  salaries 
and  court  the  favor  of  operators  while  the  rank  and  file 
are  suffering  from  abuses  which  should  be  remedied. 
Although  the  organization  considers  itself  democratic, 
there  is  a  decided  feeling  on  the  part  of  some  of  its 
members  that  the  officials,  through  their  power  of 
appointing  organizers  and  others  on  the  pay-roll  and  thus 
building  up  a  machine  which  is  loyal  to  it  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, and  through  their  power  to  settle  various 
matters  without  consulting  the  membership,  dominate  the 
organization  to  such  an  extent  that  there  is  need  of  a 
reconstruction  of  the  constitution  which  will  put  greater 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  rank  and  file.  The  traditional 
policy  of  the  union  is  conservative,  but  there  is  a  radical 
minority  which  is  increasing  in  influence,  and  has  recently 
caused  the  organization  to  take  what  seems  to  many  a 
radical  stand  in  regard  to  the  future  of  the  industry. 

To  what  extent  are  the  characteristics  of  the  U.  M. 
W.  due  to  the  fact  that  it  is  an  industrial  union?  As 
has  been  pointed  out,  the  industrial  form  of  organization 
was  adopted,  not  because  of  any  special  theories  as  to 
the  solidarity  of  all  workers  or  the  superiority  of  indus- 


THE  COAL  MINERS 


119 


trial  to  craft  unionism,  but  rather  because  of  the  practical 
advantage  of  including  all  who  worked  in  and  around 
the  mines,  so  that  small  groups  might  not  tie  up  the 
industry   and   throw   the   mass   of   the   workers   out   of 
employment.    The  fact  that  the  mines  were  for  the  most 
part  in  isolated  regions  where  the  few  skilled  craftsmen 
could  not  readily  unite  with  their   fellow  craftsmen  of 
other  industries,  combined  with  the  fact  that  the  over- 
whelming majority  of   the  mine  workers  were   eligible 
to  membership  in  no  other  union,  made  the  industrial  form 
of  organization  inevitable.     Although  adopted  for  prac- 
tical rather  than  theoretical  reasons,  the  industrial  struc- 
ture has  nevertheless  affected  the  policies  of  the  union  in 
various  ways.     The  automatic  collection  of  union  dues 
by  means  of  the  check-off  system  was  a  natural  outgrowth 
of  the  attempt  to  include  every  worker  in  the  industry. 
The  policy  of  making  contracts  with  employers  is  no  more 
characteristic  of  industrial  unionism  than  of  craft  union- 
ism, if  as  much  so,  yet  it  is  unquestionably  true  that  the 
U.  M.  W.  would  have  been  much  less  successful  in  its 
contracts  if  it  had  not  tried  to  unite  all  types  of  workers 
connected    with    the    mines.      The    domination    of    the 
organization  by  its  officials,  in  so  far  as  it  exists,  is  quite 
out  of  keeping  with  the  spirit  of   industrial   unionism, 
but  the  rising  tide  of  protest  against  it  and  the  growing 
demand  for  greater  democracy  in  the  conduct  of  union 
affairs  are  a  natural  result  of  the  emphasis  on  the  value 
of  every  individual  worker,  however  humble,  and  on  the 
necessity  of  united  action  on  the  part  of  the  whole  social 
group,  which  the  philosophy  of  the  industrial  union  in- 
volves.   Finally,  the  demand  for  such  a  reconstruction  of 
the  industry  as  will  result  in  production  for  the  common 
good  rather  than  for  private  profit,  is  in  harmony  with  the 
fundamental  hopes  and  aims  of  industrial  unionism. 


CHAPTER  IV 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  AMONG  THE 
METAL  MINERS 

History  of  Metal  Miners'  Union 

The  idea  of  joining  the  various  unions  of  metal 
miners  into  one  organization  was  born  in  the  brain  of 
George  Pettibone  when  he  was  in  jail  after  the  Coeur 
d'Alene  strike  in  Idaho  in  1892,  and  as  a  result  the  West- 
ern Federation  of  Miners  came  into  being  the  following 
year.  At  first  it  was  practically  a  craft  organization,  in- 
cluding only  underground  workers,  but  before  long  the 
folly  of  this  restriction  was  realized  and  the  jurisdiction 
extended  to  include  engineers,  pumpmen,  firemen,  machin- 
ists, and  others  working  in  and  around  the  mines,  and  also 
those  engaged  in  reducing  the  ore  in  mills  and  smelters. 
The  early  policy  of  the  organization  was  to  form  separate 
locals  of  diflFerent  crafts,  to  some  extent.  Firemen, 
pumpmen,  machinists,  and  engineers,  for  instance,  were 
obliged  to  join  the  Engineers*  Union  of  the  Western 
Federation  of  Miners.  In  1910,  however,  it  was  voted 
to  issue  no  more  charters  that  would  segregate  men 
according  to  crafts,  as  it  was  felt  that  uniting  all  workers 
in  and  around  a  mine  in  one  local  would  result  in  greater 
solidarity.^  In  1916  the  name  of  the  Federation  was 
changed  to  the  International  Union  of  Mine,  Mill  and 
Smelter  Workers,  as  neither  the  word  "Western"  nor 
the  word  "Miners"  was  inclusive  enough  to  describe  the 
union  accurately.  By  this  time  it  had  extended  its 
jurisdiction  over  the  United  States  and  Canada  and  had 

^Miners'  Magazine,  August  ii,  1910,  p.  9. 

120 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


121 


many  members  in  the  East  and  South.  The  organization 
has  had  a  checkered  career  so  far  as  affiliation  goes.  For 
the  first  three  years  it  was  independent;  then  it  was 
connected  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  for 
two  years;  in  1898  it  withdrew  and  helped  form  the 
Western  Labor  Union ;  from  1905  to  1908  it  was  a  part 
of  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World;  from  1908  to 
191 1  it  was  again  independent;  and  since  191 1  it  has 
once  more  been  affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  This  fluc- 
tuation gives  some  indication  of  the  conflicting  currents 
within  the  organization. 

Bitter  Struggles — Class  Consciousness 

The  Western  Federation  of  Miners  for  the  first 
fifteen  years  of  its  history  was  as  militantly  radical 
and  class  conscious  as  the  coal  miners'  union  was 
conservative.  To  be  sure,  the  preamble  which  was 
adopted  in  1893  and  remained  substantially  the  same 
till  1907,  made  no  mention  of  the  class  struggle,  and 
definitely  stated  that  the  union  aimed  "to  use  all 
honorable  means  to  maintain  friendly  relations  be- 
tween ourselves  and  our  employers,  and  endeavor  by 
arbitration  and  conciliation  to  settle  any  difficulties 
which  may  arise  between  us,  and  thus  make  strikes  un- 
necessary." Fair  compensation  commensurate  with  the 
dangers  of  their  employment,  safety  devices,  just  labor 
laws,  and  similar  improvements,  rather  than  any  radical 
overturning  of  the  industrial  system,  were  the  objects 
sought.  Nevertheless,  force  of  circumstances  and  bitter 
experiences  in  conflicts  with  employers  made  the  class 
struggle  seem  an  undeniable  fact,  and  strengthened  the 
conviction  that  there  was  no  identity  of  interest  between 
capital  and  labor.  The  details  of  the  dramatic  and  terrible 
conflicts  that  were  fought  out  in  the  mining  camps  of  the 


122         THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

West  during  that  first  decade — in  the  Coeur  d'Alenes, 
Leadville,  Salt  Lake,  Telluride,  Idaho  Springs,  and 
Cripple  Creek — cannot  be  given  here,  but  they  are  char- 
acterized by  much  disorder  and  lawlessness  on  both  sides. 
Most  stirring  of  these  was  the  struggle  in  the  Cripple 
Creek  district  of  Colorado  from  1903  to  1904,  in  which 
the  operators  endeavored  to  stamp  out  unionism  so 
effectively  that  it  would  never  again  rear  its  head  in  the 
region.  The  Miners'  Magazine  calls  the  war  that  was 
there  waged  upon  the  W.  F.  M.  "the  most  lawless  and 
brutal  that  was  ever  carried  on  against  any  labor  organi- 
zation in  the  history  of  this  country.*'*  According  to  a 
statement  made  by  the  Executive  Board  of  the  union  at 
the  time,  more  than  4(X)  miners  were  deported  forcibly 
from  the  state;  homes  of  union  men  were  destroyed  and 
their  wives  assaulted ;  strike  breakers  were  armed  and  in- 
cited to  violence  by  the  operators ;  multitudes  of  innocent 
people  were  herded  into  bull  pens  and  kept  there  for 
long  periods;  union  halls  were  sacked,  safes  broken,  and 
records  taken;  cooperative  stores  established  by  the  union 
were  entered  by  mobs  without  hindrance  from  the 
authorities,  their  entire  contents  destroyed,  and  their 
managers  and  clerks  marched  to  the  bull  pen,  etc.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  strikers  were  charged  with  being  a 
band  of  law-breakers  and  rioters  who  were  carrying  on 
violent  insurrection.  Without  attempting  to  sift  out  the 
truth  of  the  various  charges  made,  one  can  clearly  see 
that  experiences  such  as  those  described  could  not  fail  to 
intensify  class  bitterness  and  develop  a  militant  type  of 
radicalism  within  the  W.  F.  M.* 


'Miners'  Magatine,  June  23,   1904. 

*  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  eight  years  after  this  bitter  struggle  the 
W.  F.  M.  held  a  large  convention  in  the  very  spot  where  it  had  been  said 
of  them,  "They  can  never  come  back,"  and  were  welcomed  by  the  mayor. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


123 


Political  Attitude 

The  belief  that  both  city  and  state  governments  were 
in  connivance  with  the  mine  owners  in  breaking  strikes 
and  in  preventing  the  passage  of  labor  laws,  or  disregard- 
ing them  after  they  were  passed,  convinced  the  miners 
of  the  need  of  political  action  by  the  workers.  Accordingly 
at  their  tenth  convention  in  1902  they  declared  in  favor 
of  such  action  and  endorsed  the  principles  of  the  Socialist 
Party.  For  several  years  after  this  the  official  journal 
of  the  union  was  full  of  direct  Socialist  propaganda.  In 
1907  a  new  preamble  was  adopted  which  stated  that  the 
exploitation  of  the  workers  would  continue  "till  the  pro- 
ducer is  recognized  as  the  sole  master  of  his  product." 
"The  working  class  and  it  alone  can  and  must  achieve 
its  own  emancipation,"  and  "  an  industrial  union  and  the 
concerted  action  of  all  wage-earners  is  the  only  method 
of  obtaining  this  end,"  the  preamble  declared.  At  the 
tenth  convention  it  was  also  proposed  that  the  Federation 
invest  some  of  its  money  in  mines  to  be  operated  by  its 
members  for  the  benefit  of  the  workers,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  President  Moyer  urged  an  assessment  for  this 
purpose.  This  plan  for  experimenting  with  workers'  con- 
trol of  industry  had  to  be  given  up  because  of  the  strike 
then  confronting  the  union,  but  the  idea  had  its  influence. 


Western  Labor  Union 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  lack  of  solidarity  displayed 
in  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  according  to  Moyer  had  given 
the  miners  "nothing  but  sympathy"  in  their  disastrous 
Leadville  strike,*  and  a  desire  for  a  closer  union  with 
workers  in  other  industries,  led  the  W.  F.  M.  to  withdraw 
from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  1898  and  call  a  convention  which 


*  Proceedings  of  the  21st  Annual  Convention  of  the  United  Mine  Work- 
ers of  America,   i9>o,  p.  216. 


124        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

resulted  in  the  formation  of  the  Western  Labor  Union. 
This  new  industrial  organization  aimed  to  include  all 
kinds  and  degrees  of  labor  in  the  West,  and  succeeded 
in  enrolling  many  cooks,  waiters,  teamsters,  and  lumber- 
men, but  the  W.  F.  M.  was  always  its  strongest  element.* 
In  1902  it  changed  its  name  to  the  American  Labor 
Union,  and  moved  its  headquarters  from  Butte  to  Chicago, 
evidently  hoping  to  enlarge  its  scope.  Instead  of  that,  the 
organization  began  to  decline  and  was  on  the  verge  of 
dissolution  when  it  merged  with  the  I.  W.  W.  in  1905. 

Relations  with  I.  W.  W. 

When  the  movement  for  forming  a  new  organization 
to  unite  the  whole  working  class  was  launched,  the  W. 
F.  M.  entered  it  with  enthusiasm  and  became  one  of  its 
strongest  supporters.  At  the  thirteenth  convention.  Presi- 
dent Moyer  said  that  acceptance  of  the  manifesto  which 
laid  down  the  principles  on  which  the  I.  W.  W.  was  to 
be  formed,  would  not  involve  changing  the  principles  or 
policy  of  the  W.  F.  M.  in  the  least.  Delegates  were  sent 
to  the  conference  for  organizing  the  new  movement  with 
power  to  install  the  W.  F.  M.  as  an  integral  part  of  it. 
When  the  organization  known  as  the  I.  W.  W.  was 
launched  in  June,  1905,  the  metal  miners  formed  the 
largest  group  in  it  and  furnished  the  greater  part  of  its 
funds.  Disappointed  that  the  brewery  workmen  and  many 
others  did  not  join  in  the  new  movement,  the  W.  F.  M. 
had  to  "again  stand  the  brunt  of  the  battle  in  the  attempt 
to  plant  the  seed  of  industrial  unionism,"  as  Moyer  later 
expressed  it.«  Quarrels  between  rival  factions  at  the 
second  convention  of  the  I.  W.  W.  caused  a  split  in  that 

•  Brissenden,    The  I.    W.    W..   a   Study  of  American   Syndicalism    (New 
York,    1919),  p.  44.  '^       " 

•Miners'  Magazine,  July  23,   1908,  Moyer's  Report  to  the  Convention. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


125 


organization  and  many  delegates  of  the  W.  F.  M.  with- 
drew with  Sherman,  the  deposed  president.  The  W.  F. 
M.  ceased  paying  dues  to  the  organization,  and  at  its 
second  convention  in  1907  decided  after  a  heated  dis- 
cussion not  to  recognize  either  faction  but  to  aid  in  the 
formation  of  a  new  I.  W.  W.  on  a  solid  foundation.  A 
call  was  issued  to  all  labor  bodies  interested  in  industrial 
unionism,  including  the  United  Brewery  Workmen,  the 
United  Mine  Workers,  and  both  groups  of  the  I.  W.  W., 
to  come  to  a  conference  for  the  consideration  of  the 
subject;  but  only  one  group,  the  followers  of  Sherman, 
accepted  the  invitation.^  The  main  body  of  the  I.  W.  W., 
known  as  the  Trautmann  faction,  sent  an  insulting  reply, 
which  caused  the  W.  F.  M.  at  its  next  convention  in  1908 
to  decide  on  an  absolute  divorce  from  the  movement.  An 
acrimonious  discussion  took  place  in  which  the  minority 
upheld  the  Trautmann  group,  but  a  referendum  vote  of 
the  entire  membership  sustained  those  who  wished  to 
sever  relations.  Some  locals  refused  to  obey  the  decision, 
however,  and  long-continued  dissension  within  the 
Federation  resulted  from  it.  William  Haywood  who  had 
been  an  official  of  the  W.  F.  M.  for  several  years  was 
ousted  for  insisting  on  remaining  with  the  I.  W.  W. 

Turn  toward  Conservatism 

At  the  1908  convention  President  Moyer  reviewed  the 
history  of  the  various  attempts  to  form  an  all-inclusive 
industrial  organization,  and  stated:  "I  believe  that  it  is 
a  well-established  fact  that  industrial  unionism  is  by  no 
means  popular,  and  I  feel  safe  in  saying  that  it  is  not 
wanted  by  the  working  class  of  America."  Every  time 
It  had  been  rejected  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  he 
declared.    He  then  went  on  to  say : 

Ubid. 


'>i 


h 


126         THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

I  for  one  am  more  fully  convinced  than  ever  that  only  through 
an  industrial  form  of  labor  and  united  political  action  can  the 
working  class  expect  to  permanently  settle  the  wage  question,  but 
the  situation  which  now  confronts  us  is  as  to  whether  or  not 
in  the  face  of  many  years  of  experience  and  the  numerous  failures 
which  I  have  recited  we  shall  continue  along  the  same  lines,  or 
shall  we  profiting  by  said  experience  outline  a  more  feasible  plan 
of  bringing  about  that  for  which  we  strive.' 

The  W.  F.  M.  he  declared  was  not  "called  upon  to  con- 
tinue that  which  for  the  time  being  has  proved  impossible." 
Though  continuing  to  carry  on  a  campaign  of  education  in 
favor  of  political  action  to  end  the  capitalist  system,  it 
should  turn  its  chief  attention  to  the  primary  object  of 
the  organization  which  is  to  "better  the  condition  of  those 
employed  in  the  mining  industry  under  the  present 
system."  The  union  "should  at  all  times  assume  a  posi- 
tion of  absolute  fairness.  .  .  .  While  firm  in  our  claims, 
we  should  ever  be  ready  to  listen  to  the  other  side  and 
exert  every  effort  to  prevent  a  conflict." 

Although  the  W.  F.  M.  still  held  to  a  belief  in  the 
uselessness  of  voting  for  any  but  the  Socialist  Party,  this 
speech  of  Moyer's  marked  a  turning  point  in  the  organiza- 
tion toward  greater  conservatism.  One  factor  in  this 
change  may  have  been  the  belief  of  many  of  its  members 
that  the  arrest  of  Moyer,  Haywood,  and  Pettibone  on  the 
charge  of  being  implicated  in  the  murder  of  Governor 
Steunenberg  of  Idaho  was  largely  due  to  their  connection 
with  such  a  revolutionary  body  as  the  I.  W.  W.  The 
three  men  were  seized  in  Denver  in  February,  1906, 
rushed  into  the  state  of  Idaho  before  they  knew  what 
charge  was  made  against  them,  and  imprisoned  there  for 
fifteen  months  before  trial.  This  famous  case,  which 
ended  finally  in  the  acquittal  of  all  three  men,  so  stirred 

•  Miners'  Magasine,  July  aj,   1908,  Moyer's  Report. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


127 


the  labor  world  that  all  sections  of  it  rallied  to  their 
defense.  A  more  important  factor  in  the  changed  attitude, 
however,  was  the  growing  realization  that  the  methods 
which  the  metal  miners  had  adopted  had  not  enabled  them 
to  organize  any  large  proportion  of  the  workers  under 
their  jurisdiction,  or  attain  a  degree  of  success  which 
compared  with  that  of  the  United  Mine  Workers,  their 
sister  organization. 

Early  Friction  with  United  Mine  Workers 

For  some  time  the  W.  F.  M.  had  desired  closer  rela- 
tions with  the  United  Mine  Workers.  To  be  sure,  there 
had  not  always  been  harmony  between  the  two  bodies, 
and  many  bitter  articles  had  appeared  in  the  official  journal 
of  the  metal  miners  attacking  John  Mitchell,  president  of 
the  United  Mine  Workers,  for  his  conservative  policies. 
Mitchell,  on  the  other  hand,  charged  the  W.  F.  M.  with 
trying  to  encroach  on  the  jurisdiction  of  the  coal  miners, 
and  with  interfering  with  them  by  urging  them  to  break 
their  contracts,  and  in  some  cases  by  actually  taking  their 
places  in  time  of  strike.  Because  of  his  opposition,  the 
United  Mine  Workers  in  1906  voted  down  a  resolution 
providing  for  interchangeable  union  cards  with  the  W. 
F.  M.  The  metal  miners  had  previously  voted  to  accept 
workers  who  wished  to  transfer  from  the  coal  miners' 
union  without  initiation  fees,  and  continued  to  do  so. 
They  also  continued  to  organize  other  coal  miners,  to 
some  extent,  but  their  desire  for  affiliation  with  the  United 
Mine  Workers  before  long  led  them  to  seek  an  agreement 
preventing  further  friction  from  this  cause. 

Reafiiliation  with  A.  F.  of  L. 

It  was  largely  this  desire  that  caused  the  W.  F.  M. 
to  decide  by  an  overwhelming  vote  to  apply  for  member- 


m 


128        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OP  LABOR 

ship  in  the  A.  F.  of  L.  early  in  1909.     It  did  so,  not 
because  it  agreed  with  the  policy  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  or 
with  what  it  called  its  "old  fogy  ideas,"  but  because  it 
wanted  to  unite  with  the  great  mass  of  organized  workers. 
In  so  doing  it  was  merely  seeking  a  new  form  of  expres- 
sion for  the  desire  for  solidarity  which  had  once  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  union's  early  enthusiasm  for  the  I.  W. 
W.     As  was  stated  at  their  twentieth  convention,  the 
miners  felt  they  could  play  their  part  best  by  aiding  the 
constructive  forces  within  the  Federation,  and  trying  to 
instill  new  life  into  it,  rather  than  by  criticizing  it  from  out- 
side.    The  A.  F.  of  L.  was  in  no  hurry  to  forget  the 
various  sneers  which  the  W.  F.  M.  had  cast  at  it  in  the 
past,  however,  and  some  of  its  constituent  unions  objected 
to  the  desired  charter  for  fear  of  encroachment  on  their 
own  jurisdiction,  so  the  returning  prodigal  was  not  re- 
admitted till  191 1.    The  principal  opponent  of  the  admis- 
sion of  the  organization  was  the  International  Association 
of  Machinists,  which  had  a  few  locals  in  mining  camps 
and  was  unwilling  to  surrender  them.    The  United  Mine 
Workers  stood  valiantly  by  the  metal  miners  in  this  con- 
troversy, and  at  its  convention  of  191 1  passed  a  resolution 
protesting   against    the    delay    in    granting    the    charter. 
Believing  that  a  refusal  to  admit  the  W.  F.  M.  would  be 
an  attack  on  the  principle  of  industrial  unionism  on  which 
their  own  organization  was  based,  the  coal  miners  even 
went  so  far  as  to  threaten  withdrawal  from  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  if  the  charter  was  not  granted.®    A  telegram  from  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  announced  that  the  decision  to  grant  the  re- 
quest of  the  W.  F.  M.  was  made  just  before  word  of  the 
action  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  was  received. 

The  charter  that  was  finally  granted  gave  jurisdiction 

•Proceedings  of  the  22nd  Annual  Convention  of  the  U.   M.  W.  of  A., 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


129 


over  all  who  worked  in  and  around  the  mines,  mills,  and 
smelters,  with  the  exception  of  members  of  machinists' 
locals  already  in  existence  in  mining  camps.  In  spite  of 
the  claims  of  the  W.  F.  M.,  many  of  the  workers  about 
the  metal  mines  had  previously  belonged  to  different 
unions,  so  the  charter  really  marked  an  advance  in  the 
direction  of  practical  industrial  unionism.  Nevertheless  a 
minority  in  the  organization  strenuously  opposed  the 
acceptance  of  the  charter,  although  President  Moyer  as- 
sured them  that  it  meant  no  surrender  of  their  principles 
of  industrial  and  political  action.  The  decision  of  the  A. 
F.  of  L.  has  not  wholly  freed  the  miners'  federation  from 
jurisdictional  disputes,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  for  different 
organizations  in  the  metal  trades  have  continued  to  en- 
croach upon  it  to  some  extent.  The  matter  has  been 
brought  before  the  A.  F.  of  L.  several  times  and  the  rights 
of  the  W.  F.  M.  have  been  upheld,  but  there  has  been 
considerable  friction  over  the  issue  in  some  localities. 

Present  Relations  with  United  Mine  Workers 

Although  affiliation  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  has  resulted 
in  an  alliance  between  the  metal  miners  and  the  coal 
miners  through  the  Mining  Department,  the  amalgamation 
of  the  two  bodies  so  long  desired  by  the  W.  F.  M.  has  not 
yet  taken  place.  Committees  have  frequently  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  two  unions  to  consider  the  question  of  con- 
solidation, but  their  decision  has  always  been  that  it  would 
be  impractical  at  the  present  time.  In  1916  the  committee 
of  the  United  Mine  Workers  reported  that  their  union 
needed  to  throw  all  its  energies  into  organizing  the  non- 
union men  in  the  coal  mines  and  could  not  undertake 
responsibility  for  the  large  numbers  of  unorganized  metal 
miners.  The  W.  F.  M.  had  less  than  17,000  out  of  the 
200,000  eligible  for  its  membership,  they  said,  and  hence 


130        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

could  only  be  a  source  of  weakness  to  the  stronger  organi- 
zation.^^  Each  union  had  its  own  pecuHar  problems,  and 
though  they  could  cooperate  harmoniously,  by  inter- 
change of  cards  and  other  means  as  they  had  in  the  past, 
an  actual  amalgamation  was  not  desirable  for  the  time 
being.  From  a  competitive  standpoint  the  metal  miners 
were  less  closely  related  to  the  coal  miners  than  were  men 
engaged  in  the  production  of  oil  and  gas ;  and  in  times  of 
struggle  they  were  less  necessary  to  them  than  those 
employed  in  transportation;  hence  no  great  advantage 
would  accrue  from  uniting  the  two  bodies.  Nevertheless 
the  United  Mine  Workers  would  gladly  give  what  assist- 
ance they  could  to  their  sister  organization.  This  decision, 
in  which  the  W.  F.  M.  agreed,  was  affirmed  in  1918.  One 
reason  for  the  acquiescence  of  the  metal  miners  was  their 
realization  that  amalgamation  would  increase  their  fi- 
nancial burdens,  as  it  would  involve  paying  a  per  capita 
tax  to  the  joint  organization  as  well  as  meeting  their  own 
expenses  as  a  district  branch  of  it. 

Attitude  toward  Contracts 

The  next  important  step  taken  by  the  W.  F.  M.  was 
their  decision  in  1912  to  give  up  their  old  opposition  to 
contracts  and  follow  the  example  of  the  United  Mine 
Workers  whose  progress  they  now  recognized  as  largely 
due  to  their  joint  agreement  with  employers.  The  op- 
position to  such  agreements,  which  had  been  characteristic 
of  the  Western  Federation  for  many  years,  was  due  to 
the  belief  that  they  divided  the  workers,  making  one  group 
remain  at  work  while  war  was  being  waged  upon  another 
group  which  needed  their  assistance.  Contracts  expiring 
at  different  times  made  cooperation  impossible  and  checked 

"The  official  figures  for  membership  in  1916  are  19,000. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


131 


all  progress,  the  metal  miners  had  frequently  declared. 
Furthermore  they  gave  a  false  sense  of  security,  and 
prevented  the  continual  interest  in  the  organization  which 
was  necessary  for  success.  The  reversal  of  this  attitude 
and  the  endorsement  of  time  agreements  was  perhaps  the 
most  significant  event  in  the  history  of  the  organization. 
Since  the  change  in  policy,  there  has  been  an  increasing 
number  of  such  agreements  with  employers.  In  some 
cases  the  check-off  system  of  the  coal  miners  has  also  been 
adopted,  in  spite  of  the  feeling  of  certain  members  that 
this  system  gave  employers  too  great  a  hold  on  the  union. 

Growing  Conservatism 

In  1916,  President  Moyer  attributed  the  lack  of  pro- 
gress in  the  organization  to  the  failure  to  adopt  trade 
agreements  and  the  check-off  system  earlier,  so  that  the 
mine  owners  might  recognize  the  union  as  a  responsible 
institution;  second,  to  the  mistake  of  not  remaining 
affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  the  first  place  instead 
of  breaking  away  and  launching  dual  movements;  and 
finally,  to  the  fact  that  the  organization  had  committed 
itself  to  certain  political  principles  not  held  by  the  majority 
in  the  industry.  Because  of  this  political  stand,  not  only 
had  employers  refused  to  deal  with  the  organization,  but 
many  workers  had  held  aloof  from  it.  The  preamble, 
which  was  the  declaration  of  a  political  party,  he  said, 
should  be  rewritten  to  be  in  keeping  with  an  industrial 
organization.    He  then  went  on  to  say : 

Instead  of  devoting  a  greater  part  of  its  time  and  energy  as  it 
has  in  the  past  in  attempting  to  teach  our  fellow  trades  unionists 
the  only  correct  form  of  economic  and  political  organization,  [the 
union]  must  become  a  business  institution,  devoting  its  eflForts  to 
the  objects  for  which  it  was  organized,  namely  to  unite  the  various 
persons  working  around   the  mines  .  .  .  into  one  central   body. 


132        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LAfiOR 

to  increase  their  wages  and  improve  their  conditions  of 
employment." 

An  illuminating  comparison  may  be  made  between  this 
statement  and  the  one  made  by  Moyer  at  the  convention  of 
1905  in  regard  to  the  declaration  in  favor  of  the  Socialist 
Party  three  years  before: 

I  am  free  to  say  today  that  the  action  of  that  convention  three 
years  ago  has  done  more  for  the  wage-earning  class  of  the  country 
than  all  other  resolutions  passed  since  you  became  an  organi- 


zation. 

The  gradual  change  from  radicalism  to  conservatism  on 
the  part  of  this  labor  leader  and  the  organization  he 
represents  furnishes  a  most  interesting  study.  In  1916, 
following  the  recommendation  of  its  president,  the  W. 
F.  M.  adopted  a  new  preamble  in  which  all  mention  of  the 
class  struggle  and  of  independent  political  action  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  workers  was  omitted. 

Radical  Minority 

This  progress  toward  conservatism  has  not  been  made 
without  opposition,  however.  Ever  since  the  Western 
Federation  withdrew  from  the  I.  W.  W.,  eflforts  have  been 
made  to  disrupt  the  organization,  or  capture  it  for  the 
radicals.  Attempts  were  made  to  put  into  all  locals  men 
who  were  pledged  to  "true  industrial  unionism,"  who  were 
to  adapt  themselves  to  the  opinions  of  their  respective 
locals  till  they  had  won  the  confidence  of  their  fellow- 
members  and  been  elected  to  the  annual  convention.  Their 
next  step  was  to  be  the  overthrow  of  Moyer  and  reaffilia- 
tion  with  the  I.  W.  W.    The  movement  to  join  the  A.  F. 


"  Proceedings  of  the  22nd  Consecutive  and  2nd  Biennial  Convention  of 
the  W.  F.  M.,  1916.  p.  40. 

^Miners'  Mogarine,  May  25,  1905,  p.  5. 


tHE  METAL  MINERS 


133 


of  L.  was  bitterly  opposed  by  this  group,  of  course. 
After  the  constitution  was  amended  to  provide  for  nomina- 
tion and  election  of  officers  by  the  rank  and  file,  the  efforts 
to  unseat  Moyer  were  redoubled.  The  "conspirators" 
circulated  slanders  against  him  and  other  officials,  charg- 
ing them  with  responsibility  for  the  failure  of  the  organi- 
zation to  grow  and  with  various  specific  offenses.  An 
accusation  of  the  theft  of  $14,000  from  the  union  treasury 
was  even  brought  against  Moyer."  The  twentieth  con- 
vention completely  exonerated  him,  and  expelled  the 
leader  of  the  "conspiracy,"  but  this  action  did  not  check 
the  unrest. 

Internal  Struggle  at  Butte 

Butte,  Montana,  had  long  been  a  center  of  rebellion, 
and  in  1914  the  trouble  there  came  to  a  climax.  Friction 
between  local  officers  and  the  more  radical  members 
resulted  in  a  turbulent  attack  upon  the  Miners'  Hall,  and 
in  the  decision  of  a  large  number  to  break  away  from  the 
Federation  and  form  an  independent  union.  Moyer 
hastened  to  the  spot  at  once  and  presented  a  plan  for 
settling  the  difficulties,  but  while  he  was  addressing  the 
union  members,  a  mob  of  insurgents  surrounded  the 
Miners'  Hall  and  shots  were  fired.  It  is  uncertain  who 
fired  the  first  one ;  but  the  rioting  became  so  serious  that 
those  inside  had  to  climb  down  the  fire-escape  in  order  to 
get  away.  Then  without  warning  the  hall  was  blown  up  by 
dynamite.  The  officials  of  the  W.  F.  M.  believed  that 
the  I.  W.  W.  were  responsible  for  this  outrage,  as  well 
as  for  previous  manifestations  of  hoodlumism,  but  the 
Socialist  mayor  of  Butte  absolutely  denied  that  they  had 
any  connection  with  it.    The  leaders  of  the  new  organiza- 


^*  Miners'  Magatine,  July  18,  191a,  Moyer's  Speech  to  the  Convention. 


134        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

tion  of  miners  also  denied  responsibility  for  the  dynamit- 
ing, and  said  it  was  the  act  of  an  outraged  crowd  after 
shots  had  been  fired  from  the  hall.^*  For  some  reason, 
the  hatred  felt  for  local  officials  was  transferred  to  Moyer, 
and  men  followed  him  to  Helena  threatening  to  kill  him. 
Moyer  admitted  that  there  was  evidence  of  some  abuses 
in  the  Butte  local,  but  as  no  complaint  of  such  abuses  had 
been  made  to  him  he  could  hardly  be  held  responsible  for 
them.  He  considered  the  whole  affair  to  be  part  of  the 
campaign  for  destroying  the  organization  which  had  been 
going  on  for  years.  The  leaders  of  the  insurgent  group, 
on  the  other  hand,  stated  that  the  local  at  Butte  was  com- 
pletely dominated  by  one  of  the  big  copper  companies,  and 
that  all  efforts  to  get  rid  of  the  corrupt  gang  at  the  head 
of  it  had  failed.  Furthermore,  the  rank  and  file  objected 
to  the  assessments  levied  by  the  national  organization  and 
to  the  "luxury"  of  the  general  officers,  and  wished  to  be 
independent.^^  The  new  union,  which  adopted  a  constitu- 
tion very  similar  to  that  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  at  once  began 
an  aggressive  attempt  to  force  all  other  miners  in  the 
district  to  leave  the  old  organization.  Although  no  great 
success  was  attained  by  this  new  body,  the  Butte  local 
of  the  W.  F.  M. — or  the  International  Union  of  Mine, 
Mill,  and  Smelter  Workers,  as  it  must  be  called  after 
191 6 — has  never  recovered  its  former  power.  Not  only 
has  it  been  fought  by  the  union  which  seceded  from  it  in 
1 914,  but  also  by  Branch  800  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  by  another 
independent  union  known  as  the  Metal  Mine  Workers 
which  is  in  close  harmony  with  the  I.  W.  W.,  and  by  a 
branch  of  the  Canadian  One  Big  Union.  As  a  result  of 
the  conflict  between  these  various  groups,  the  great  mass 
of  the  miners  in  that  region  are  entirely  unorganized. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


13s 


^*  Miners'  Magazine,  July  9,   1914. 

"Ibid.,  July  23,   1914,  Moyer's  Speech  to  the  Convention. 


Dissensions  Elsewhere 

The  hostility  between  the  I.  W.  W.  and  the  Mine,  Mill 
and   Smelter  Workers,   and  the  dissensions  within  the 
organization  which  have  to  considerable  extent  been  due 
to  I.  W.  W.   influence,  have  manifested  themselves  in 
various  other  places,  and  have  not  diminished  as  time  has 
passed.     In  the  mining  camps  of  Arizona,  Nevada,  and 
Montana  the  bitterness  has  been  especially  acute.     In 
Bisbee,   Arizona,   the   officials   of   the   Mine,   Mill,   and 
Smelter  Workers'  local  and  those  of  the  local  branch  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  united  in  organizing  a  mass  meeting  of 
miners  in  19 17,  at  which  it  was  voted  not  to  have  any- 
thing to  do  with  the  check-off  and  contract  systems.    The 
charter  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  local  was  at  once  revoked 
because  of  such  "treacherous  dealing  with  the  I.  W.  W.," 
and  a  new  one  formed."     This  new  local  proved  re- 
calcitrant, also,  joining  with  other  groups  in  attacking  the 
International  officers,  and  declaring  that  "Moyerism"  with 
its  long  record  of  blunders  and  failures  must  be  abolished 
before  the  organization   could   grow.     A   movement   in 
Arizona  to  organize  a  district  union  of  the  Mine,  Mill, 
and  Smelter  Workers,  demanding  sole  power  over  the 
locals  of  the  district  and  a  larger  percentage  of  the  per 
capita   tax   than   the    international    constitution    allowed, 
was  led  by  an  active  worker  in  the  I.  W.  W.     In  his 
report  to  the  1918  convention.  President  Moyer  charged 
that  this  leader,  who  held  membership  in  both  organiza- 
tions, was  deliberately  trying  to  create  dissensions  in  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  union  in  order  to  destroy  its  locals  and  make 
way  for  the  I.  W.  W.     Accordingly  a  resolution  was 
passed  at  this  convention  calling  the  I.  W.  W.  "the  worst 


^•Proceedings  of  the  23rd  Consecutive  and  3rd  Biennial  Convention  of 
the  Int.  Union  of  Mine,  Mill,  and  Smelter  Workers,  1918,  p.  40,  Moyer* 
Report. 


136        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

enemy  of  legitimate  labor  unions,"  whose  "principal  mis- 
sion seems  to  be  the  destruction  of  bona  fide  labor  unions," 
and  declaring  that  any  member  knowingly  advocating  or 
endorsing  I.  W.  W.  tactics  should  be  expelled.*^  Con- 
sidering the  early  history  of  the  miners*  organization,  its 
present  hatred  for  all  but  "legitimate"  labor  groups  is 
particularly  interesting — though  perhaps  not  surprising, 
since  family  quarrels  are  reputed  to  be  more  bitter  than 
any  others. 

Degree  of  Democracy 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  to  what  extent  there  has 
been  justification  for  the  great  opposition  to  President 
Moyer  in  his  own  organization.  Eugene  Debs,  in  a  state- 
ment published  in  the  Miners*  Magazine  of  August  6, 
1 9 14,  upholds  him  valiantly,  saying  that  no  man  in  the 
labor  movement  has  suflFered  more  for  the  cause  of  labor 
than  he  has.  If  the  rank  and  file  were  not  loyal  to  him 
they  could  easily  turn  him  out,  as  no  more  democratic 
organization  than  the  W.  F.  M.  exists,  Debs  declares. 
It  is  quite  true  that  the  machinery  of  the  union  makes 
impossible  the  continuance  in  office  of  anyone  who  did  not 
have  the  support  of  the  majority  of  the  membership. 
According  to  the  present  constitution,  each  local  may  nomi- 
nate one  candidate  for  each  office,  and  the  names  of  all 
who  are  nominated  by  at  least  five  locals  are  placed  upon 
the  ballot  which  is  submitted  to  the  entire  membership  for 
the  final  vote.  Before  191 2  officers  were  nominated  and 
elected  at  the  convention,  but  to  meet  the  cry  against  the 
administration  this  provision  was  changed,  and  recall  of 
officers  was  also  made  possible.  The  term  of  office  is  two 
years.     There  have  been  various  attempts  to  forbid  an 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


137 


"  Proceedings  of  the  Convention  of  the  Mine,  Mill,  and  Smelter  Workers, 
1918,  p.  105. 


officer's  serving  more  than  two  consecutive  terms,  but 
Moyer  has  vigorously  opposed  any  such  change,  warning 
the  union  that  this  would  result  in  inefficiency.  He  has 
thus  succeeded  in  remaining  in  office  ever  since  first  elected 
in  1902.  In  the  1920  election,  he  received  5,818  votes  out 
of  a  total  of  8,170  cast  for  president.^® 

All  proposed  legislation  must  be  submitted  to  a  re- 
ferendum vote  of  the  membership.  Amendments  to  the 
constitution  may  either  be  passed  by  the  convention  before 
submission  to  the  referendum,  or  else  may  be  initiated  by 
ten  locals  representing  at  least  5  per  cent  of  the  entire 
membership.  In  emergencies  a  special  referendum  may 
be  held  either  on  the  demand  of  ten  locals,  or  on  the  initia- 
tive of  the  Executive  Board.  These  provisions  are  all 
calculated  to  put  the  control  of  union  aflFairs  in  the  hands 
of  the  rank  and  file  rather  than  in  those  of  the  officials, 
however  eager  they  may  be  to  perpetuate  themselves  in 
office.  In  the  matter  of  strikes  the  control  is  somewhat 
more  centralized.  No  strikes  may  be  called  without  the 
authority  of  the  Executive  Board  of  the  International 
Union,  after  two-thirds  of  the  local  union  voting  upon  it 
have  expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  such  action.  If 
the  local  belongs  to  a  district  union,  the  consent  of  the 
District  Executive  Board  is  necessary  also.  Strikes  are 
to  be  called  only  as  a  very  last  resort.  If  in  order  to 
make  the  strike  of  one  local  successful  it  is  necessary  to 
call  out  other  locals,  however,  the  Executive  Board  of  the 
International  has  power  to  do  so.  This  last  power,  which 
was  given  the  Board  in  1903,  has  caused  some  objection, 
but  Moyer  defends  it  on  the  ground  that  the  interests  of 
the  workers  are  one  and  hence  they  should  be  willing  to 
lay  aside  their  individual  selfishness  and  stand  by  each 
other  in  time  of  stress.     The  assessments  levied  by  the 

^Miners'  Magarine,  August,  1920. 


'I- 


!l 


138        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

International  have  also  been  criticized  by  the  insurgents. 
The  constitution  limits  the  amount  which  may  be  levied 
pending  a  referendum  vote  to  $2  a  month  for  two  months; 
but  this  is  enough  to  cause  irritation  in  some  cases,  ap- 
parently. The  per  capita  tax  to  the  International  is  50 
cents  a  month. 

Present  Status 

The  dissensions  within  the  organization  have  greatly 
weakened  it  in  every  way.    In  191 1  when  it  joined  the  A. 
F.  of  L.  its  membership  was  50,200,  the  largest  it  had  ever 
had.i»    In  1914  it  had  36,900  members,  but  by  1917  had 
dropped  to  only  17,219,  a  smaller  number  than  it  had  had 
since  1900.2°     The   following  year   President   Hayes  of 
the    United    Mine    Workers    stated    at    his    convention 
that  the  Union  of   Mine,   Mill,  and   Smelter   Workers 
was    "practically    out    of    business,"    due    to    its    early 
policy  of  disregarding  contracts  and  its  continual  strikes. 
The   great    decline   did    not    take    place    till    after   this 
policy   had   been   given   up   and   the   union   had   joined 
the   A.    F.    of    L.,    however — so    radicals    are    inclined 
to    give    a    quite    different    reason    for    it.      The    real 
cause  was  undoubtedly  the  internal  dissensions  over  the 
question,  combined  with  the  general  state  of  the  industry. 
The  long  and  disastrous  strike  in  the  copper  mines  of 
Michigan,  and  the  depressed  state  of  the  industry  at  the 
end  of  1914,  due  to  war  conditions,  helped  to  cause  the 
great  drop  in  membership  beginning  at  that  time ;  but  the 
conflict  of  ideas  has  been  a  far  more  important  factor  in 
it.    By  1918  the  membership  had  increased  to  19,199,  and 
the  number  of  locals  was  given  as  106."    Two  years  later, 

'•Quarterly   Journal  of  Economics,   Vol.    30,    Appendix,    p.    838 
*  J  bid.,  p.  50. 


THE  METAL  MINERS 


139 


representation  at  the  convention  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  was 
based  on  a  report  of  21,100  members.  President  Moyer 
stated  in  September,  1920,  that  more  than  15,000  new 
members  had  been  gained  in  the  campaign  for  organizing 
workers  in  the  steel  industry,  though  many  of  these 
members  were  lost  after  the  failure  of  the  steel  strike. 
Little  progress  had  been  made  in  the  West  in  rebuilding 
the  locals  which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  "insidious 
activities  of  the  so-called  unions,"  or  in  increasing  the 
membership  in  partially  organized  camps,  Moyer  reported, 
but  in  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  the  country  there 
had  been  decided  growth.  In  the  previous  two  years, 
125  new  charters  had  been  issued  and  the  "most  wonderful 
achievements  ...  in  the  history  of  the  organization"  had 
been  made,  in  spite  of  almost  insurmountable  difficulties, 
he  declared.22  The  recuperation  of  the  union  did  not 
continue  long,  however,  for  by  1921  the  membership  as 
reported  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.  convention  had  dropped  to  only 
16,200.  This  great  decline  is  attributed  by  the  president 
of  the  Mining  Department  to  the  fact  that  the  metal  in- 
dustry has  been  experiencing  the  greatest  slump  in  its 
history,  so  that  a  tremendous  strain  has  been  put  upon 
the  union.  Whatever  reason  may  be  given  for  it,  the 
present  outlook  for  the  organization  is  far  from 
encouraging. 

Conclusion 

In  conclusion  we  may  say  that  the  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners,  or  the  International  Union  of  Mine,  Mill 
and  Smelter  Workers,  has  in  the  past  had  high  hopes  of 
uniting  the  whole  working  class  for  a  victorious  struggle 
with  capital  which  would  result  in  a  complete  reorganiza- 
tion of  our  industrial  system.    Many  disappointments  have 

"Miners'  Magatine,  Sept.,  igao,  Moyer's  Report  to  the  Convention. 


140        THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

convinced  its  leaders,  however,  that  mere  theorizing  about 
the  uhimate  triumph  of  the  workers  without  practical 
methods  of  organizing  those  workers  and  redressing  their 
immediate  grievances  will  accomplish  little  toward  build- 
ing up  a  strong  organization.  Due  largely  to  the  opposi- 
tion of  a  militant  minority,  the  adoption  of  tactics  like 
those  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  has  done  nothing  to 
improve  the  fortunes  of  the  union,  however,  and  while 
dissension  between  the  two  factions  has  gone  on,  the 
membership  has  rapidly  decreased  and  the  great  mass  of 
the  metal  workers  has  remained  unorganized.  A  willing- 
ness to  compromise  and  work  out  some  plan  for  coopera- 
tion must  be  developed  if  there  is  to  be  any  real  sense  of 
solidarity  within  the  industry,  or  any  success  on  the  part 
of  the  union. 


PART  II 

REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

INCLUDING  WORKERS  OF  ALL 

INDUSTRIES 


I 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD 

Characteristics  of  I.  W.  W.  Type  of  Unionism 

Hitherto  we  have  been  considering  the  unionism  which 
limits  itself  to  a  single  industry,  but  we  must  now  turn 
our  attention  to  that  which  reaches  out  to  the  whole  work- 
ing class,  seeking  to  include  all  under  the  banner  of  one 
great  union  which  shall  eventually  overthrow  capitalism 
and  bring  in  a  new  and  better  day.  Of  this  type  of  in- 
dustrial unionism  we  have  three  examples  in  America  at 
the  present  time;  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World, 
the  Workers'  International  Industrial  Union,  formerly 
known  as  the  Detroit  branch  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  and  the 
One  Big  Union.  All  of  these  are  revolutionary  in  aim 
and  class  conscious  in  spirit.  The  first  two  will  be  con- 
sidered in  this  chapter. 

Origin 

So  much  has  already  been  written  about  the  I.  W.  W. 
that  no  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  give  its  history  in 
detail,  but  attention  will  be  centered  rather  upon  the 
present  policies  of  the  organization  and  its  general  philoso- 
phy. A  few  of  the  outstanding  facts  in  its  development 
must  be  noted,  however.  Before  the  formation  of  the 
I.  W.  W.  in  Chicago  in  June,  1905,  there  had  been  various 
attempts  to  form  all-inclusive  organizations  of  workers, 
which  should  seek  definitely  to  bring  about  a  new  social 
order.  One  of  these  of  course  was  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
which  was  described  in  the  first  chapter.  Another  was  the 
Western  Labor  Union,  later  known  as  the  American  Labor 

143 


144        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Union,  which  was  formed  in  1898  under  the  leadership  of 
the  Western  Federation  of  Miners.  This  industrial 
organization  officially  endorsed  Socialism  but  admitted 
workmen  of  various  political  views.  Another  was  the 
Socialist  Trades  and  Labor  Alliance  which  was  formed  in 
1895  under  the  leadership  of  Daniel  DeLeon  and  endorsed 
by  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  the  following  year.  It  was 
patterned  after  the  Knights  of  Labor,  having  both  craft 
locals  and  mixed  locals,  but  was  always  more  of  an  organ 
for  revolutionary  propaganda  than  an  industrial  union, 
as  all  of  its  members  belonged  to  the  Socialist  Labor 
Party.  Although  starting  with  a  membership  of  about 
15,000,^  mostly  in  and  around  New  York,  and  spreading 
rapidly  to  other  centers,  it  soon  declined  in  numbers  and 
included  only  about  1,400  when  it  merged  with  the  I.  W. 
W.  in  1905.  There  were  also  various  individuals  among 
the  United  Brewery  Workers  and  the  United  Mine 
Workers  and  other  organizations  who  felt  the  need  of 
widening  the  scope  of  industrial  unionism  and  uniting  all 
workers  in  one  powerful  organization.  In  order  to  bring 
together  all  interested  in  forming  such  an  organization, 
a  group  of  radical  labor  leaders,  after  a  preliminary  con- 
ference, met  in  January,  1905,  and  issued  a  manifesto 
calling  for  a  convention  to  be  held  the  following  June  to 
launch  a  new  body  based  on  the  principles  of  all-inclusive 
revolutionary  industrial  unionism.  At  this  convention, 
which  was  attended  by  delegates  from  43  different  organi- 
zations, including  16  belonging  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and 
about  40  different  occupations,^  the  organization  known 
as  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  was  inaugurated, 
with  the  Western  Federation  of  Miners,  the  American 


^  Daniel   DeLeon,   A    Symposium,    published   by    the    National    Executive 
Committee  of  the  Socialist  Latx)r  Party,  1919,  p.  30. 

>  Brissenden,  The  I.  W.  W.,  pp.  70-71. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     145 

Labor  Union,  the  Socialist  Trades  and  Labor  Alliance, 
the  United  Metal  Workers,  the  United  Brotherhood  of 
Railway  Employees,  and  a  few  smaller  bodies  included  as 
integral  parts  of  it.  The  balance  of  power  was  held  by 
the  W.  F.  M.,  which  had  27,000  members,  all  the  other 
bodies  being  relatively  weak  and  some  of  them  existing 
chiefly  on  paper. 

Conflicting  Elements 

There  were  many  conflicting  elements  in  the  organiza- 
tion, which  was  held  together,  as  has  been  well  said,  only 
by  the  "binding  force  of  common  antipathies."  »  All  were 
opposed  to  capitalism  and  to  craft  unionism,  but  they 
were  divided  into  three  main  groups  in  regard  to  tactics : 
(i)  members  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  who  placed 
chief  emphasis  on  political  action;  (2)  members  of  the 
Socialist  Party,  who  were  less  doctrinaire  than  those  of 
the  Socialist  Labor  Party  and  wished  to  subordinate  politi- 
cal action  to  economic  organization;  (3)  anarchists  who 
wished  direct  action  wholly  to  take  the  place  of  political 
action. 

Contrary  to  expectation  the  influence  of  the  Socialist 
Trades  and  Labor  Alliance  was  much  stronger  than  its 
numerical  power,  and  hence  the  new  organization  declared 
in  favor  of  political  action  at  its  first  convention.  Friction 
between  the  different  elements  made  the  progress  of  the 
organization  difficult  and  resulted  in  two  separate  splits 
•during  the  next  few  years.  The  first  came  at  the  con- 
vention of  1906  when  the  so-called  "reactionaries" 
withdrew,  after  the  "revolutionists"  had  captured  the  con- 
vention, deposed  President  Sherman  on  the  grounds  of 
extravagance  and  autocracy,  and  abolished  the  office  of 
president.     As  was  stated  in  the  previous  chapter,  this 

*Ibid,  p.  83. 


146       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


dissension  resulted  in  the  permanent  withdrawal  of  the 
W.  F.  M.,  the  most  prosperous  and  powerful  body  in  the 
organization.  For  a  time  the  "reactionary"  wing,  made  up 
largely  of  members  of  the  Socialist  Party,  continued  to 
hold  the  general  headquarters,  forcing  the  other  group  to 
open  new  offices,  but  it  soon  gave  up  the  struggle,  leaving 
the  "proletarian  rabble"  in  control  of  the  I.  W.  W.  This 
was  distinctly  a  victory  of  the  poorer  and  less  skilled 
workers  over  the  more  strongly  organized  and  higher 
skilled.  Outside  of  the  W.  F.  M.  the  paid-up  membership 
for  the  first  year  was  only  about  14,000,  according  to 
Vincent  St.  John,  for  many  years  an  official  of  the  organi- 
zation— though  the  published  reports  of  the  second  con- 
vention claim  60,000  members.*  The  enthusiasm  roused 
by  the  founding  of  the  I.  W.  W.  soon  subsided  and  for 
the  next  two  or  three  years  the  membership  steadily 
decreased,  till  in  1909  it  was  only  about  3,700.* 

Split  between  Political  and  Direct  Actionist  Groups 
The  second  split  in  the  organization  came  at  the  fourth 
convention  in  1908,  when  a  clash  took  place  between  the 
Socialist  Labor  Party  and  the  Direct  Actionist  or 
Anarcho-syndicalist  group.  For  the  first  time  the  west 
was  strongly  represented.  An  "Overalls  Brigade"  had 
beat  its  way  from  the  Pacific  Coast,  holding  street  meet- 
ings on  the  way,  and  succeeded  in  getting  control  of  the 
organization,  barring  out  DeLeon  and  many  of  his  fol- 
lowers. The  concrete  experiences  of  the  unskilled  workers 
in  western  states  had  made  them  feel  that  political  action 
was  futile,  and  as  a  consequence  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the 
convention,  after  the  westerners  had  gained  control,  was 
to  strike  out  of  the  preamble  all  reference  to  political 

*  Brissenden,  op.  cit.,  p.  108. 
'Ibid.,  Table  D,  Appendix  4. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     147 

activity,  and  emphasize  the  necessity  for  industrial  organi- 
zation in  order  to  abolish  the  wage  system  and  put  the 
machinery  of  production  in  the  hands  of  the  workers. 
The    Socialist    Labor    Party    members,    "revolutionary 
theorists"  as  they  were  called  by  their  opponents,  then 
withdrew  with  DeLeon  and  hold  a  convention  of  their 
own  in  Paterson,  N.  J.,  with  delegates  from  five  eastern 
cities.^    Claiming  to  be  the  true  I.  W.  W.,  they  expelled 
the    "anarchist"    usurpers    and    reaffirmed    the    original 
preamble  of   the   organization.     They   soon   established 
headquarters  in  Detroit  and  have  remained  there  ever 
since,  though  in  1915  they  decided  to  give  up  the  name 
L  W.  W.  and  adopt  that  of  Workers'  International  In- 
dustrial Union,  leaving  the  original  title  to  the  Chicago 
faction.    The  diflferences  between  these  two  organizations 
will  be  given  in  somewhat  greater  detail  later,  but  for  the 
present  we  will  concentrate  attention  on  the  I.  W.  W. 
group  which  has  continued  to  keep  its  headquarters  in 
Chicago  and  has  always  been  much  larger  than  that  at 
Detroit. 

Philosophy 

The  preamble  which  was  adopted  at  the  Chicago  con- 
vention in  1908  and  has  been  reaffirmed  ever  since  reads 
as  follows: 

The  working  class  and  the  employing  class  have  nothing  in 
common  There  can  be  no  peace  so  long  as  hunger  and  want 
are  found  among  millions  of  working  people  and  the  few  who 
make  up  the  employing  class,  have  all  the  good  things  of  life 

Between  these  two  classes  a  struggle  must  go  on  until  the 
workers  of  the  world  organize  as  a  class,  take  possession  of  the 
earth  and  the  machinery  of  production,  and  abolish  the  waee 
system.  *^ 

We  find  that  the  centering  of  management  of  the  industries 
mto  fewer  and  fewer  hands  makes  the  trade  unions  unable  to 


148       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

cope  with  the  ever  growing  power  of  the  employing  class.  The 
trade  unions  foster  a  state  of  affairs  which  allows  one  set  of 
workers  to  be  pitted  against  another  set  of  workers  in  the  same 
industry,  thereby  helping  defeat  one  another  in  wage  wars.  More- 
over, the  trade  unions  aid  the  employing  class  to  mislead  the 
workers  into  the  belief  that  the  working  class  have  interests  in 
common  with  their  employers. 

These  conditions  can  be  changed  and  the  interest  of  the  working 
class  upheld  only  by  an  organization  formed  in  such  a  way  that 
all  its  members  in  any  one  industry,  or  in  all  industries  if  neces- 
sary, cease  work  whenever  a  strike  or  lockout  is  on  in  any  depart- 
ment thereof,  thus  making  an  injury  to  one  an  injury  to  all. 

Instead  of  the  conservative  motto,  "A  fair  day's  wage  for  a  fair 
day's  work,"  we  must  inscribe  on  our  banner  the  revolutionary 
watchword,  "Abolition  of  the  wage  system." 

It  is  the  historic  mission  of  the  working  class  to  do  away  with 
capitalism.  The  army  of  production  must  be  organized,  not  only 
for  the  every-day  struggle  with  capitalists,  but  also  to  carry  on 
production  when  capitalism  shall  have  been  overthrown.  By 
organizing  industrially  we  are  forming  the  structure  of  the  new 
society  within  the  shell  of  the  old. 

The  class  struggle  in  its  most  uncompromising  form  is 
here  set  forth.  All  attempts  to  make  the  workers  believe 
that  they  and  their  employers  have  anything  in  common, 
or  that  the  wage  system  can  ever  result  in  justice,  it 
declares  to  be  pernicious.  The  workers  must  organize 
not  merely  to  overthrow  this  system  but  to  build  the 
structure  of  a  new  society.  The  philosophy  expressed  in 
this  preamble  shows  the  influence  of  Karl  Marx  in  its 
emphasis  on  the  class  struggle  and  the  inevitable  over- 
throw of  capitalism,  but  it  puts  its  hope  not  in  politics  but 
in  "direct  action,"  or,  in  other  words,  economic  pressure. 
Practical  experience  had  convinced  the  unskilled  migra- 
tory workers  from  the  west  of  the  futility  of  political 
action,  partly  because  most  of  them  did  not  remain  in 
one  spot  long  enough  to  vote,  and  partly  because  repeated 
efforts  to  secure  justice  for  the  workers  by  means  of 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OP  THE  WORLD     149 

legislation  had  proved  of  no  avail.  The  bitterness  caused 
by  rough  treatment  in  mines  and  lumber  camps  and  else- 
where found  expression  in  the  preamble  and  in  innumera- 
ble declarations  that  have  been  made  by  the  I.  W.  W.  since 
that  time.  The  blacklisting  of  all  who  dared  seek  better 
conditions,  the  system  of  spies  throughout  the  camps,  the 
absence  of  any  independent  middle  class  in  them  to  mode- 
rate the  intensity  of  class  struggle,  all  helped  create  the 
atmosphere  in  which  these  revolutionary  theories  grew. 

Membership  Characteristics 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  either  the  philosophy  or 
the  tactics  of  the  L  W.  W.  without  understanding  the 
characteristics  of  its  membership.  After  the  withdrawal 
of  the  W.  F.  M.,  the  L  W.  W.  leaders  turned  their  atten- 
tion mainly  to  industries  in  which  migratory  unskilled 
labor  predominated— particularly  lumbering,  railroad  con- 
struction, and  harvesting.  A  very  large  percentage  of 
these  migratory  workers,  as  Professor  Carleton  Parker 
has  pointed  out,  are  voteless,  womanless,  and  often  job- 
less, because  of  industrial  conditions  into  which  they  have 
been  forced.  "The  typical  I.  W.  W.  member  is  a  neg- 
lected and  lonely  hobo  worker,  usually  malnourished  and 
in  need  of  medical  care." «  Drifting  from  one  job  to 
another,  with  no  settled  abode  or  ties  of  any  kind,  sleeping 
in  unsanitary  bunkhouses,  and  receiving  hard  knocks  of 
various  kinds,  he  suffers  from  a  condition  which  Professor 
Parker  declares  is  one  of  "mental  stress  and  unfocused 
psychic  unrest  and  could  in  all  accuracy  be  called  a  defi- 
nite industrial  psychosis."  ^ 

The    abnormal    psychological    tension    among    these 
workers  has  been  noted  by  many  observers.    It  manifests 

•  Parker,  The  Casual  Laborer,  p.  106. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  49. 


ISO       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


¥. 


itself  in  impatience  with  slow  progress  and  with  a  demand 
for  a  dramatic  upheaval  which  will  result  in  satisfaction 
for  all  the  thwarted  desires  of  the  oppressed  laborer.  A 
large  proportion  of  the  members  of  the  I.  W.  W.  are 
young  men,  who  are  detached,  irresponsible,  and  poorly 
paid.  In  reaching  them  the  I.  W.  W.  has  done  what  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  has  for  the  most  part  failed  to  do.  The 
neglect  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  to  seek  out  the  unskilled  and 
bring  about  a  real  sense  of  solidarity  and  brotherhood 
between  workers  of  different  types  is  largely  responsible 
for  the  rapid  growth  of  the  I.  W.  W.  in  the  lower  strata 
of  labor.  From  the  beginning  it  has  aimed  primarily  to 
reach  the  most  poorly  paid.  Haywood  said  at  the  first 
convention : 

We  are  going  down  into  the  gutter  to  get  at  the  mass  of  the 
workers  and  bring  them  up  to  a  decent  plane  of  living.  I  do 
not  care  the  snap  of  my  finger  whether  or  not  the  skilled 
workers  join  this  industrial  movement  at  the  present  time.  When 
we  get  the  unorganized  and  the  unskilled  laborer  into  this 
organization  the  skilled  worker  will  of  necessity  come  here  for 
his  own  protection.  As  strange  as  it  may  seem  to  you,  the 
skilled  worker  today  is  exploiting  the  laborer  beneath  him,  the 
unskilled  man,  just  as  much  as  the  capitalist  is.* 

A  strong  sense  of  brotherhood  not  only  between  workers 
of  different  degrees  of  skill  but  also  between  workers  of 
different  races  is  characteristic  of  the  I.  W.  W.  Although 
a  large  proportion  of  its  members  in  the  West  are  native 
Americans,  many  other  nationalities  are  found  within  the 
organization,  and  its  spirit  of  internationalism  is  very 
strong.  Many  young  idealists  have  been  attracted  to  the 
movement  because  of  this  spirit  of  all-inclusive  brother- 
hood of  the  working  class,  and  have  found  in  it  not  only 
release  from  race  prejudice  but  almost  a  religion. 

•  Proceedings  of  the  First  Convention,  I.  W.  W.,  p.  575. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     151 


Tactics 

The   means   by   which  capitalism   will   ultimately   be 
overthrown,  the  I.  W.  W.  believe,  is  to  be  a  general  strike 
of  all  the  workers.    This  general  strike  can  only  take  place, 
however,  when  the  workers  are  thoroughly  prepared  for 
it,  and  when  capitalism  is  ready  to  collapse  through  its 
own  inefficiency.     Meanwhile  its  forces  must  be  under- 
mined   and   practical   concessions   gained   by   means    of 
guerilla  warfare  in  the  form  of  intermittent  strikes  and 
sabotage  or  the  "strike  on  the  job."     These  tactics  have 
naturally  resulted  from  the  conditions  under  which  the 
I.  W.  W.  were  working  and  the  characteristics  of  the 
membership.      Unskilled   workers   can    succeed   only   by 
short  decisive  action,  as  they  have  neither  the  funds  nor 
the  command  of  the  labor  supply  necessary  for  a  long- 
continued  strike.    When  a  strike  occurs,  the  organization 
aims  to  paralyze  all  branches  of  the  industry  at  once  by 
calling  out  all  workers  in  the  strike-bound  shops  and  shut- 
ting off  all  supplies  from  those  shops.     If  success  is  not 
quickly  won  the  members  go  back  to  work  and  strike  again 
shortly  afterwards.  In  order  to  facilitate  this,  all  time  con- 
tracts are  forbidden.    For  many  years  agreements  of  any 
sort  with  employers  were  prohibited,  but  the  constitution 
now  specifies  the  following  kinds  to  be  avoided :  ( i )  those 
with  a  specific  time  limit;  (2)  those  binding  workers  to 
give  notice  before  making  new  demands;  (3)  those  bind- 
ing members  to  work  only  for  employers  who  belong  to  an 
association  of  employers;  (4)  those  regulating  the  selling 
price  of  the  product.    Only  one  bargain  with  the  employ- 
ing class  is  sought— that  is,  complete  surrender.     Hence 
no  terms  are  final,  every  settlement  being  merely  in  the 
nature  of  a  truce.     At  any  favorable  moment  the  strug- 
gle for  control  of  industry  may  be  renewed.    Little  attempt 
to  secure  "recognition  of  the  union"  or  "job  control"  by 


IS2        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

means  of  the  closed  shop  is  made,  for  fear  that  the  rev- 
olutionary ardor  of  the  members  might  be  diminished. 
Various  methods  of  annoying  the  employer  while  re- 
maining at  work  are  used  when  other  efforts  are  inef- 
fective.     In    some    cases    this    so-called    sabotage    or 
"conscientious  withdrawal  of  efficiency"  consists  merely 
in  slackening  production ;  in  others  in  spoiling  the  product, 
or  mislabeling   freight  cars  so  that  goods  will  not  be 
delivered,  or  in  telling  the  exact  truth  to  customers  when 
such  action  will  reduce  profits.    Occasionally  it  may  take 
the   form  of  putting  machinery  out  of   order,   but   its 
primary  purpose  is  not  malicious  destruction  of  prop- 
erty or  injury  to  human  beings,  but  an  attack  upon  the 
profits  of  the  employer  who  refuses  to  make  fair  terms 
with  his  workers.    Mr.  Robert  Bruere,  who  spent  several 
months  in  the  West  studying  the  I.  W.  W.  a  few  years 
ago,  reported  that  he  found  no  evidence  that  the  men  in 
the  lumber  camps  were  guilty  of  destructive  sabotage, 
such  as  putting  nails  in  the  logs  in  order  to  injure  the 
saws,  as  has  often  been  charged.     "Won't  we  be  taking 
them  over  one  of  these  days,  and  what  sense  would  there 
be  in  destroying  what  is  going  to  belong  to  us  ?"  asked  one 
of  the  I.  W.  W.  workers.'^    This  feeling  that  machinery 
will  be  needed  by  the  workers  in  the  future  and  must  not 
be  destroyed  is  found  among  many  of  the  "wobblies." 
On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Bruere  did  find  that  in  camps 
where  men  were  dissatisfied,  whenever  a  cable  snapped 
everyone  pretended  to  know  nothing  about  fixing  it  so 
that  production  was  delayed  till  an  expert  could  be  secured, 
whereas  when  fair  conditions  existed  the  men  would  all 
rush  up  to  help  repair  the  break.    Sabotage  as  a  matter  of 
fact  has  always  existed  in  the  labor  movement,  and  is 
practiced  quite  as  much  by  conservative  trade  unions 

•Harper's  Magaxine,  July,  1918,  pp.  250-57. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     153 

which  do  not  talk  about  it  as  by  the  I.  W.  W.,  probably. 
In  its  early  days  the  I.  W.  W.  made  no  attempt  to  spread 
the  doctrine  of  sabotage,  but  began  to  do  so  about  1913,^® 
due  partly  to  the  influence  of  the  French  Syndicalists.  In 
1920,  however,  it  voted  at  its  annual  convention  to  give 
up  circulating  literature  advocating  such  practices — 
largely,  no  doubt,  on  account  of  the  various  legal  attacks 
upon  the  organization." 

Violence  a  Leading  Characteristic  of  the  I.  W.  W.? 

Much  has  been  said  about  the  lawlessness  and  violence 
of  the  I.  W.  W.,  but  impartial  investigators  agree  that 
such  reports  have  been  much  exaggerated.  According  to 
Mr.  Bruere,  western  lumber  owners  frankly  admitted  to 
the  President's  Mediation  Commission  in  Seattle  that  "the 
peculiar  reputation  for  violence  and  lawlessness  which  has 
been  fixed  upon  the  I.  W.  W.  was  largely  the  work  of 
their  own  ingenious  publicity  agents."  "  Certain  of  them 
declared  that  every  large  labor  organization  will  draw  to 
itself  a  small  percentage  of  irresponsible  men — about  2 
per  cent— and  employers  took  advantage  of  this  fact  to 
brand  the  I.  W.  W.  as  an  unpatriotic  and  unlawful  body. 
Officials  of  the  National  Forest  Service  in  Montana,  which 
had  employed  large  numbers  of  the  I.  W.  W.  in  fighting 
fires,  reported  that  the  majority  of  them  were  faithful  and 
reasonable  when  treated  like  human  beings,  and  did  valua- 
ble service  in  conserving  lumber  for  the  nation."  Similar 
testimony  was  furnished  at  the  trial  of  Wm.  Haywood  and 
others  in  1918  by  several  farmers  who  had  employed  I. 
W.  W.  harvesters.  The  report  of  the  President's  Media- 
tion Commission  in  19 17  declared  that: 

^"Evidence  and  Cross  Examination  of  Wm.  D.  Haywood,  p.  142. 

*'  Solidarity,  May  29,   1920. 

^*New  York  Evening  Post,  Feb.   16,  19 18. 

"Ibid..  March  i,  9,  1918. 


'I 


154       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Membership  in  the  I.  W.  W.  by  no  means  implies  belief  in  or 
understanding  of  its  philosophy.  To  a  majority  of  the  members 
it  is  a  bond  of  groping  fellowship.  According  to  the  estimates  of 
conservative  students  of  the  phenomenon,  a  very  small  per  cent 
of  the  I.  W.  W.  are  really  understanding  followers  of  subversive 
doctrine.  The  I.  W.  W.  is  seeking  results  by  dramatizing  evils 
and  by  romantic  promises  of  relief." 

It  is  this  very  power  of  dramatizing  evils  and  promis- 
ing a  glorious   future  that  has  attracted  multitudes  of 
discontented  men  to  the  organization.    To  many  a  home- 
less, friendless  man  the  I.  W.  W.  furnishes  the  only  fel- 
lowship which  he  knows,  as  well  as  the  only  hope  for 
improved  conditions  of  work,  and  he  eagerly  allies  himself 
with  it  without  paying  any  great  attention  to  its  ultimate 
philosophy.     On  the  other  hand,  there  is  undoubtedly  a 
small  group  within  the  organization  which  is  guilty  of  wild 
utterances  which  bring  discredit  upon  all  its  members. 
This  group  is  very  scornful  of  the  "reformist"  wing  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  which  believes  that  the  revolution  necessary 
for  transferring  the   instruments  of   production   to   the 
workers   will  come  peacefully   through   the  collapse  of 
capitalism  or  the  folded  arms  of  the  workers  rather  than 
through  more  violent   methods.     As  a  matter  of   fact, 
the  I.  W.  W.  has  proved  much  less  extreme  in  its  actions 
than  in  its  words,  and  for  the  most  part  its  strikes  seem  to 
have  been  characterized  by  a  marked  absence  of  violence. 
Even  if  they  admit  its  theoretical  justification,  the  officials 
of  the  organization  counsel  against  the  use  of  violence  and 
destruction  on  the  ground  that  it  is  not  only  an  ineflFective 
method,  and  one  which  will  array  all  the  resources  of 
government  against  them,  but  also  that  it  is  a  method 
which  will  unfit  the  workers  for  constructive  effort  in  the 
new  society  for  which  they  hope.    The  widespread  con- 

^*  President's  Mediation  Commission,  Report  of,   1917,  p.   14. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OP  THE  WORLD     155 

demnation  of  the  I.  W.  W.  and  the  conviction  of  many  of 
its  members  appears  to  have  been  due  much  more  to  their 
theories  and  the  fear  of  what  they  might  do  than  to  what 
they  have  done. 

Dramatic  Struggles 

It  is  impossible  even  to  mention  the  numerous  dramatic 
struggles  in  which  the  I.  W.  W.  have  been  engaged. 
After  its  second  convention,  as  has  been  said,  the  organiza- 
tion declined  steadily  for  several  years,  till  its  member- 
ship was  pitifully  small.  In  1912,  however,  it  leaped 
suddenly  into  prominence.  More  than  thirty  strikes  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  took  place  in  that  year  and  the  membership 
increased  from  a  little  over  4,000  to  over  18,000.^®  Most 
important  of  these  strikes  was  that  in  the  textile  industry 
in  Lawrence,  Mass.,  in  which  23,000  workers  were  in- 
volved. The  advent  of  Ettor  and  Haywood  of  the  I.  W. 
W.  upon  the  scene  and  their  preaching  of  passive 
resistance  resulted  in  a  decided  reduction  of  violence,  ac- 
cording to  many  witnesses.^®  When  the  strike  was  won, 
the  I.  W.  W.  claimed  14,000  members  in  Lawrence  alone 
— though  they  failed  to  maintain  their  hold  upon  these  new 
members  for  any  length  of  time. 

Beginning  with  the  long  struggle  in  Spokane,  Wash., 
in  1909,  a  favorite  method  of  the  I.  W.  W.  for  several 
years  was  to  carry  on  battles  for  free  speech  by  insisting  on 
holding  street  meetings,  and  going  to  jail  in  a  body  when 
interfered  with  by  the  authorities,  in  order  to  "cause  ex- 
pense to  the  taxpayers,  which  is  but  another  name  for  the 
employing  class."  *^  The  efforts  to  suppress  such  free 
speech  meetings  culminated  in  the  tragedy  at  Everett  in 

"  Brissenden,  op.  cit..  Table  D,  Appendix  4. 

»•  Ibid.,  p.  285. 

"  St.  John,  The  I.  W.  W.,  Its  History,  Structure  and  Methods  (Chicago, 
I9i9)>  P-   I9> 


IS6        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

1916,  when  a  boat-load  of  I.  W.  W.  members,  arriving 
to  hold  a  meeting  of  protest  at  the  brutal  fashion  in  which 
their  comrades   had  been  clubbed  and  maltreated,   was 
met  at  the  dock  by  the  sheriff  and  a  band  of  deputies  and 
fired  upon.    Although  each  side  claimed  that  the  first  shot 
came  from  the  other,  witnesses  agree  that  at  the  first 
sign  of  trouble  all  the  men  in  the  boat  rushed  to  the  rear 
end,  evidently  not  intending  any  violence,  and  many  of 
them  were  shot  down  in  the  water  while  trying  to  escape. 
This  is  not  the  place  to  go  into  details  as  to  the  methods 
of  suppression  which  have  been  used  against  the  I.  W.  W. 
—the  brutal  clubbings,  the  horse  whippings,  the  tarring 
and  featherings,  the  raiding  of  halls  and  indiscriminate 
arrests,  the  lynchings,  the  deportations  such  as  that  at 
Bisbee,  Arizona,  where  1,100  men  (less  than  one-half  of 
whom  were  members  of  the  I.  W.  W.)  were  herded  into 
cattle  cars  and  carried  oflF  into  the  desert  where  they  were 
left  without  food  or  water— but  it  is  impossible  to  under- 
stand the  temper  of  the  organization  without  knowing 
something  of  the  kind  of  treatment  which  its  members 
have  received. 

Internationalism  and  National  Loyalty 

During  the  war  the  opposition  to  the  I.  W.  W.  was 
intensified  by  its  apparent  lack  of  patriotism,  and  many 
charges  were  brought  against  it  of  conspiring  to  obstruct 
war  production  and  hinder  the  draft.  Ninety-five  of  its 
members  were  convicted  at  one  time  on  such  charges  and 
sentenced  to  from  one  to  twenty  years  in  prison.  The 
defense  claimed  that  no  such  conspiracy  had  been  formed 
and  no  sabotage  had  been  carried  on  in  war  industries,  and 
whatever  strikes  had  taken  place  were  not  for  the  purpose 
of  hampering  the  war  but  for  legitimate  ends.  Many 
members  served  in  the  war,  and  many  I.  W.  W.  transport 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     157 

workers  loaded  munitions  of  war  faithfully  with  no  at- 
tempt at  obstruction.    Wm.  Haywood  in  his  speech  of  de- 
fense declared  that  although  the  organization  had  always 
been  opposed  to  wars  between  nations,  it  had  made  an  effort 
to  stop  the  circulation  of  anti-war  literature  when  America 
entered  the  world  conflict.^®    The  I.  W.  W.  believe  that  a 
strong  international  organization  of  the  workers  would 
be  the  most  effective  peace  measure  possible,  and  feel  no 
enthusiasm  for  uniting  with  the  capitalists  of  their  own 
nation  to  fight  the  workers  of  another.    At  the  convention 
of  1914  a  resolution  had  been  adopted  which  said  in  part : 
"The  industrial  movement  will  wipe  out  all  boundaries 
and  will  establish  an  international  relationship  between 
all  races  engaged  in  industry.     We  as  members  of  the 
industrial  army  will  refuse  to  fight  for  any  purpose  ex- 
cept for  the  realization  of  industrial  freedom."  "    Never- 
theless, in  spite  of  the  irresponsible  utterances  of  a  few 
of  their  fellow-members,  the  evidence  that  the  men  who 
were  convicted  actually  conspired  to  hamper  the  war  has 
seemed  inconclusive  to  many  impartial  observers,  includ- 
ing Captain  Lanier,  formerly  of  the  Military  Intelligence 
Division  of  the  United  States  Army,  who  has  protested 
against  their  conviction.^o    Altogether  168  members  of  the 
L  W.  W.,  who  were  indicted  by  Federal  Grand  Juries 
during  the  war,  were  sentenced  to  prison  and  scores  of 
others  were  sent  to  state  penitentiaries  under  the  "criminal 
syndicalism"  laws  which  were  hastily  passed  by  many 
states  from  1917-19.21    Much  of  the  energy  of  the  organ- 
ization has  gone  into  working  for  the  defense  of  these 
men  in  the  last  few  years. 


*•  Evidence  and  Cross  Examination  of  Wm.  D.  Haywood,  p.  97. 
»•  Brissenden,  op.  cit.,  p.  326. 

^New  Republic,  AprU   19,   1919.   "Open  Letter  to  the  President.' 
*  Solidarity,  Oct.  30,  1930. 


i 


IS8        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

New  Interest  in  Industrial  Research 

Within  the  last  year  or  two  an  interesting  new  de- 
velopment has  taken  place  in  the  I.  W.  W.  Since  the 
beginning  it  has  maintained  that  the  workers  must  be 
organized,  not  merely  for  the  everyday  struggle  with 
capitalism,  but  also  for  carrying  on  production  in  the 
future ;  and  some  attempts  have  been  made  to  map  out  the 
structure  of  the  industrial  system  of  the  new  society,  but 
such  efforts  have  been  highly  theoretical  and  the  chief 
emphasis  has  been  upon  the  destructive  side  of  the  move- 
ment. A  group  within  the  organization  which  is  growing 
in  influence  maintains,  however,  that  the  most  impor- 
tant thing  to  do  at  present  is  to  make  an  intensive  study 
of  the  technical  problems  of  each  industry,  with  the  aid 
of  experts,  so  that  when  the  time  comes  for  the  workers 
to  undertake  the  management  of  these  industries  they 
will  know  something  of  how  to  do  it.  To  quote  from 
a  recent  I.  W.  W.  pamphlet : 

Working  class  control  of  industry  must  be  founded  upon  a 
sound  scientific  understanding  of  industrial  processes.  The 
workers  when  their  turn  comes  to  manage  things  must  be  in  a 
position  to  organize  industry  upon  a  broader  and  more  efficient 
basis  than  has  been  the  case  while  it  was  in  the  hands  of  our 
profit-grabbing  masters  of  today.  .  .  . 

We,  the  workers,  are  to  inherit  this  gigantic  and  intricate 
industrial  machine.  We  must  study  and  understand  its  every 
detail  so  that  we  may  now  build  up,  under  wage-slavery,  the 
army  of  production  which  is  to  assume  immediate  control  when 
wage  slavery  is  overthrown." 

At  the  general  convention  in  1920  it  was  decided  to  in- 
stitute a  Bureau  of  Industrial  Research  which  was  to 
undertake  a  survey  of  the  principal  industries,  including 
raw  materials,  location  of  plants,  machinery,  and  all  mat- 

»  One  Big  Union  of  All  the  Workers,  published  by  the  I.  W.  W.,  pp.  4,  8, 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     159 


ters  connected  with  those  industries.  The  amount  of 
$2,000  was  later  appropriated  by  the  General  Executive 
Board  for  this  work.  Engineers  engaged  for  the  task 
have  already  completed  the  first  sections  of  a  survey  of  the 
lumber  industry  and  have  begun  a  study  of  transporta- 
tipn.28  According  to  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  new 
movement : 

The  next  stage  of  development  will  logically  be  a  reorganization 
according  to  the  lines  of  industry,  so  that  a  member  will  not 
merely  represent  railroad  transportation  but  engine  number  so  and 
so,  on  such  and  such  a  railroad.  Such  an  organization  could  tell 
what  operating  strength  it  had  in  any  industry,  any  plant  or  any 
department,  and  what  strategic  places  were  unrepresented  and 
could  go  after  the  necessary  personnel  to  fill  essential  vacancies. 
If  a  technician  were  lacking,  steps  could  be  taken  to  get  him.** 

Greater  New  York  Unemployment  Conference 

In  connection  with  the  drive  to  enlist  the  technician  in 
the  enterprise,  the  I.  W.  W.  delegates  to  the  Unemploy- 
ment Conference  of  Greater  New  York  in  February, 
192 1,  at  which  twenty-six  labor  bodies  were  represented, 
persuaded  the  gathering  to  invite  all  the  societies  of  en- 
gineers in  the  city  to  a  conference  in  order  to  help  work 
out  a  plan  for  the  reopening  of  industry.  According  to  a 
report  of  this  first  conference  in  the  New  York  World: 

The  "wobblies".  .  .  said  nothing  of  revolution  or  class  con- 
sciousness, of  exploitation  through  ownership  of  the  means  of 
production,  or  of  the  necessary  overthrow  of  the  capitalist  system. 
They  talked  instead  of  "uninterrupted  production,"  the  "coordina- 
tion of  the  industrial  processes,  and  the  necessity  for  accurate 
research  and  an  exact  determination  of  the  facts  [if  the  terrible 
waste  of  human  life  due  to  unemployment  was  to  be  stopped.  To 
be  sure  they  did  not  convince  their  followers  immediately.]  "What 
good  will  it  do  to  organize  production  under  capitalism?"  sneered 

» Socialist   Review,    May,    1921,    "The    New    Turn    of    the    I.    W.    W." 
**  Ibid,  p.  71. 


i 


i6o       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


one  revolutionist.  "Look-a-here,"  retorted  a  "wobbly,"  "if  we 
quit  work  when  the  capitalists  can't  afford  to  have  us  we  call  it 
a  strike,  and  it's  the  only  weapon  we  ever  knew  we  had.  But  if 
we  go  to  work  when  they  can't  afford  to  have  us  go  to  work, 
that's  revolution,  and  it's  the  weapon  we've  got  to  learn  how  to 
use."  "But  the  capitalists  own  the  machines,"  cried  a  disciple  of 
Karl  Marx.  "Let  'em  own  'em ;  if  we  use  'em,  we  should  worry," 
[was  the  answer].  "Whenever  a  crisis  comes  along  we  hear  a  lot 
about  the  working  class  getting  together  to  own  the  industries, 
but  what  good  will  it  do  us  to  own  'em  if  there  ain't  no  way 
they  can  be  run?"" 

They  wanted  the  best  industrial  brains  in  the  country  to 
help  them  find  out  how  to  run  them. 

Resolution  of  192 1 

At  the  13th  general  convention  of  the  I.  W.  W.  in 
May,  192 1,  it  was  decided  to  continue  the  work  of  the 
Industrial  Research  Bureau,  by  means  of  voluntary  con- 
tributions, directing  its  attention  to  securing  industrial 
facts  which  would  serve  the  double  purpose  of  building 
up  the  I.  W.  W.  now  and  preparing  the  workers  for  carry- 
ing on  production  in  the  future.  A  resolution  adopted  at 
the  convention,  after  speaking  of  the  terrible  unemploy- 
ment and  suflFering  throughout  the  world,  reads  in  part  as 
follows : 

Obviously,  the  capitalist  system  of  production  for  profit  has 
broken  down.  Always  unstable,  it  has  been  unable  to  withstand 
the  extraordinary  strain  of  shattered  finance  and  commerce.  Since 
profit  and  not  service  is  the  cornerstone  upon  which  the  capitalist 
system  is  founded,  with  its  profits  not  forthcoming  the  system  is 
no  longer  able  to  function  to  feed  the  people  and  provide  them 
with  the  other  necessities  of  life.  Nothing  has  so  completely  shown 
the  criminal  incompetency  of  the  capitalist  system  as  the  condi- 
tions which  have  followed  the  great  war,  and  which  are  certain  to 
produce  still  more  baneful  social  effects  in  the  next  few  months. 


»Ar«»  York  World,  Feb.  2j,  igai,  article  by  C.  W.  Wood. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     161 

Yet  the  war  with  all  its  appalling  loss  of  life  and  property  has 
not  wiped  out  the  potential  resources  of  soil  and  mine  and  forest; 
it  has  not  impaired  the  ability  of  the  producing  class  to  bring  forth 
in  abundance  all  things  needed  for  a  full  and  rich  civilization ;  it 
has  left  no  excuse  (apart  from  the  alleged  necessity  of  maintain- 
ing the  profit  system)  for  the  starvation,  unemployment  and  misery 
among  the  workers  of  the  world. 

Affirming  that  the  only  way  in  which  humanity  can  be 
provided  with  the  good  things  which  it  needs  is  for  the 
workers  to  take  control  of  the  machinery  of  production, 
the  resolution  declares  that  the  I.  W.  W.  proposes : 

1.  To  make  an  immediate  survey  of  economic  resources  and 
industrial  processses. 

2.  To  form  and  perfect  Economic  Councils  .  .  .  looking  to  im- 
mediate control  and  operation  of  industries  for  use  and  not  for 
profit. 

3.  To  carry  on  in  connection  with  the  above  a  ceaseless  cam- 
paign of  education  among  the  workers  with  a  view  to  arousing 
their  initiative  and  gathering  their  organized  might  that  the  new 
system  may  be  put  in  smooth  working  order  and  accomplish  the 
transition  from  capitalism  to  the  new  society  with  as  little  social 
friction  as  possible. 

For  the  realization  of  this  great  and  humane  program  the 
L  W.  W.  invites  the  co-operation  of  the  manual  and  intellectual 
worker;  of  the  engineer  and  technician,  as  well  as  of  the  laborer 
and  machine  operator.  We  call  upon  all  these  elements  to  pool 
their  intellectual,  financial  and  moral  resources  for  concerted 
preparation  for  relieving  the  bankrupt  capitalist  class  of  its 
industrial  and  social  supremacy." 

Opposition  to  the  New  Tendency 

Firm  in  their  belief  that  the  workers  can  learn  to 
carry  on  production  not  only  more  justly  but  also  more 
efficiently  than  the  capitalist  class,  the  I.  W.  W.  are  thus 
seeking  to  gain  all  the  knowledge  they  can  in  preparation 

*  Solidarity,  May  ai,  1921. 


'ii^ 


i62        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

for  the  future.  The  new  tendency  within  the  organiza- 
tion has  manifested  itself  in  various  ways,  incKiding  the 
adoption  of  the  name  Industrial  Pioneer  for  the  chief 
monthly  publication,  in  place  of  the  One  Big  Union 
Montlily,  and  the  printing  of  many  articles  on  industrial 
technique.  The  change  in  emphasis  is  not  taking  place 
without  opposition,  however,  for  the  agitator  who  wishes 
to  create  "thrills"  in  his  audience  does  not  find  the  study 
of  blue-prints  exciting,  and  fears  that  the  I.  W.  W.  is 
"turning  yellow."  An  editorial  appearing  in  the  Industrial 
Unionist,  organ  of  the  New  York  District  Council  of  the 
I.  W.  W.,  at  the  time  of  the  last  convention,  charges  those 
who  are  urging  research  with  trying  to  "turn  the  I.  W.  W. 
from  its  course  of  revolutionary  industrial  unionism  into 
some  spiritless  industrial  pacifism,"  in  order  to  "play  safe" 
and  escape  the  consequences  of  uncompromising  loyalty 
to  revolutionary  principles.^^ 
The  editorial  goes  on  to  say : 

We  met  an  alleged  I.  W.  W.  the  other  day  who  said,  "It  is 
wrong  to  propagate  the  class  struggle;  you  are  creating  hatred 
between  people  when  it  is  only  the  system  to  blame."  He  was  one 
of  those  in  New  York  who  champion  industrial  research  and 
industrial  survey.  ...  We  are  going  to  Leavenworth— many  of 
us  to  give  up  the  best  years  of  manhood— but  not  for  industrial 
pacifism,  not  for  those  who  conceive  that  gathering  maps  of 
capitalist  machinery  is  equal  to  possession  of  that  machinery. 
You  may  take  a  picture  of  the  factory  but  you  haven't  got  the 
factory.  After  you  have  all  the  data  and  all  the  maps— good  as 
they  are— what  then?  They  may  do  some  good  after  the  revolu- 
tion, but  only  afterward.  While  we  are  in  the  cells  of  capitalist 
prisons,  we  hope  those  outside  will  do  something  more  effective 
than  chattering  about  "industrial  technique."  And  we  expect  every 
wobbly  worthy  of  carrying  the  red  card  to  summarily  sit  upon 
those  who  are  inherently  unable  to  carry  the  cross  of  revolutionary 
activity  and  who  try  to  befuddle  others  with  alluring  phrases. 


^f  Induitrial  Unionist,  Vol.  i,  No.  7. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     163 

Nevertheless  in  spite  of  such  opposition  the  change  in 
the  direction  of  constructive  planning  for  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  industry  is  going  steadily  on,  backed  by  several  of 
the  general  officers  and  finding  a  ready  response  among 
many  of  the  rank  and  file,  and  is  a  most  hopeful  sign. 

Present  Strength 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  accurately  the  strength  of  the 
I.  W.  W.  at  the  present  time.  After  its  increase  in  1912, 
the  organization  declined  somewhat  in  numbers  for  a 
couple  of  years,  due  partly  to  industrial  depression.  In 
191 5  it  began  to  grow  again,  but  not  till  19 16  did  it  take 
any  very  decided  leap  upwards.  In  that  year  it  grew 
from  15,000  to  60,000.2*  According  to  Mr.  Roy  Brown, 
Chairman  of  the  General  Executive  Board,  the  paid-up 
membership  for  the  years  191 7  to  1920  inclusive  was 
about  50,000.  He  estimated  that  there  were  about 
50,000  delinquent  members,  also,  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  majority  of  those  in  the  I.  W.  W.  are  migratory 
workers  who  are  forced  by  the  conditions  of  their  work 
to  be  somewhat  irregular  in  the  payment  of  dues.  An 
official  pamphlet  by  Vincent  St.  John  gives  the  paid-up 
membership  for  19 19  as  100,000,  however,  and  the  total 
number  of  cards  issued  up  to  October,  19 19,  as  500,000, 
which  he  states  represents  the  total  number  of  workers 
in  the  organization  in  good  and  bad  standing.^®  Other 
estimates  of  the  actual  membership  have  run  up  over 
200,000  at  various  times  in  the  last  few  years  but  are 
obviously  much  exaggerated.  The  character  of  the  mem- 
bership is  very  transient,  and  the  turnover  for  both  locals 
and  individuals  has  been  very  heavy  from  the  beginning. 
The  potential  strength  of  the  organization  and  its  influence 

"•  Brissendra,  op.  cit..  Table  D,  Appendix  4, 
"•  St  John,  op.  cU.,  p.  35. 


l64       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

in  the  world  of  labor  is  much  greater  than  its  paid-up 
membership,  but  nevertheless  it  can  scarcely  count  on  the 
total  number  of  men  who  have  ever  connected  themselves 
with  it.  A  newspaper  report  of  the  13th  convention  in 
the  spring  of  192 1  gave  the  number  in  the  organization 
as  only  12,000,  and  commented  on  its  pathetic  decline,*^ 
attributing  it  largely  to  the  campaign  of  suppression  that 
had  been  going  on,  and  to  the  fact  that  most  of  the  brains 
of  the  movement  were  in  prison.  It  is  impossible  to  put 
much  confidence  in  these  figures,  especially  as  the  general 
secretary  of  the  organization  does  not  admit  any  such 
decrease,  but  the  industrial  depression  has  undoubtedly 
reduced  the  number  of  men  able  to  pay  dues  to  the  I.  W. 
W.  Unlike  some  unions,  this  body  refuses  to  excuse  un- 
employed members  from  payment  of  dues,  and  hence  loses 
heavily  in  numbers  when  unemployment  is  widespread. 
It  may  be  true  that  the  suppressive  measures  of  the  gov- 
ernment have  somewhat  affected  the  numbers  of  those 
openly  holding  red  cards,  but  the  fact  that  no  marked  de- 
crease took  place  in  the  membership  between  1917  and 
1 92 1  indicates  that  other  factors  are  much  more  responsi- 
ble for  whatever  decline  may  recently  have  occurred. 

Suspension  of  Certain  Groups 

The  suspension  of  the  Marine  Transport  Workers  of 
Philadelphia  for  insisting  on  charging  a  $25  initiation  fee 
in  violation  of  the  constitution,  and  of  the  Italian  Bakers* 
local  of  New  York  for  charging  a  $15  fee,  had  cut  of! 
several  thousand  members  from  the  organization  during 
the  six  months  preceding  the  13th  convention."  The  dele- 
gates spent  two  days  of  earnest  debate  over  the  question 
whether  or  not  the  action  of  the  General  Executive  Board 


•'New    York   Herald,    May    17,    1931. 
'^•Solidarity,  May  21,  1931, 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     165 

in  suspending  these  branches  should  be  sustained,  and 
finally  voted  that  it  should,  although  it  meant  a  heavy  loss 
in  membership.    The  Marine  Transport  Workers  claimed 
that  the  $2  fee  required  by  the  constitution  was  a  failure, 
as  it  was  so  low  that  men  slipped  in  and  out  easily  and  did 
not  bother  to  keep  up  their  dues,  knowing  that  they  could 
easily  be  readmitted.    The  high  dues  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
unions  resulted  in  much  larger  numbers  than  the  low  ones 
of  the  I.  W.  W.,  the  transport  workers  maintained.    Fur- 
thermore a  high  fee  was  necessary  to  protect  their  jobs 
from  outside  workers  who  would  flood  the  water-front 
and  make  it  impossible  to  maintain  decent  conditions  if 
they  were  given  a  foothold  in  the  union.    Already  there 
were  some  5,000  men  for  only  1,000  jobs.    The  only  way 
to  maintain  "job  control"  was  to  limit  the  number  admitted 
to  the  union  and  keep  all  others  off  the  docks.    "The  I. 
W.  W.  is  notoriously  unable  to  retain  shop  control,"  de- 
clares a  supporter  of  the  high  fee  in  Solidarity  for  Decem- 
ber 4,  1920.    The  only  group  that  has  maintained  it  with 
a  100  per  cent  organization  is  that  of  the  transport  workers 
of  Philadelphia,  he  affirms.    The  New  York  bakers,  who 
also  charged  a  high  initiation  fee  for  the  sake  of  "job 
control,"  are  mostly  of  the  highly  skilled  class,  making 
the  finer  grades  of  pastry,  and  have  enjoyed  the  best 
conditions  of  any  bakers  in  New  York.    It  is  interesting 
to  see  how,  as  soon  as  a  group  succeeds  in  getting  certain 
advantages  for  itself,  whether  it  belongs  to  the  I.  W.  W. 
or  not,  it  is  tempted  to  maintain  those  advantages  even 
at  the  expense  of  its  theories  of  solidarity.    One  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  I.  W.  W.  is  that  there  should 
be  a  uniform  initiation  fee  set  so  low  that  no  worker  may 
be  debarred  by  it,  and  a  system  of  free  transfer  from  one 
branch  of  the  organization  to  another.    Although  doubt- 
less the  charging  of  a  higher  fee  by  the  transport  workers 


i66        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

and  Italian  bakers  has  helped  them  strengthen  their  own 
local  organizations  and  has  thus  proved  practically  expedi- 
ent, and  although  many  of  their  supporters  claim  that  it 
will  be  necessary  to  yield  to  such  a  policy  if  the  move- 
ment is  ever  to  grow  in  the  East,  their  action  has  meant 
a  repudiation  of  this  fundamental  I.  W.  W.  principle 
and  hence  has  been  officially  condemned  by  the  I.  W.  W. 

Chief  Industrial  Unions  within  the  I.  W.  W. 

The  I.  W.  W.  is  now  very  much  stronger  in  the  West 
than  in  the  East.  A  great  many  textile  workers  in  the 
East  were  swept  into  it  during  the  strikes  of  191 2  and 
191 3,  but  no  firm  organization  was  built  up  in  that  indus- 
try and  the  majority  of  them  drifted  away.  The  eastern 
problem  is  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  pressing  which 
the  movement  has  to  face  today.  The  I.  W.  W.  has 
proved  much  more  successful  in  dramatizing  the  class 
struggle  and  firing  enthusiasm  during  a  crisis,  than  in 
building  up  a  stable  organization  maintaining  permanent 
hold  over  its  members.  In  many  places  it  is  merely  a 
propagandist  group,  instead  of  functioning  actually  as 
a  labor  union.  In  the  West  it  has  some  strong  industrial 
unions,  however,  especially  those  of  the  lumber  and 
agricultural  workers.  Other  important  industrial  unions 
belonging  to  the  I.  W.  W.  are  those  of  the  metal  mine 
workers,  the  coal  mine  workers,  the  general  construction 
workers,  and  the  foodstuff  workers.  The  smaller  unions 
within  the  organization  are  those  of  the  marine  transport 
workers,  railroad  workers,  building  construction  workers, 
fisherman,  and  textile  workers,  according  to  a  statement 
made  by  the  chairman  of  the  General  Executive  Board  in 
March,  1921.  Vincent  St.  John  lists  several  others  exist- 
ing in  October,  191 9,  including  those  of  metal  and  ma- 
chinery, shipbuilding,  furniture,  leather,  printing,  rubber, 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     167 

and  general  distribution  workers,''^  and  the  General  Execu- 
tive Board  Report  in  May,  1920,  mentions  industrial 
unions  of  tobacco  and  glass  workers,  also. 

Publications 

There  are  fourteen  official  periodicals  of  the  I.  W.  W., 
according  to  this  1920  report.  Most  important  of  these 
are  Solidarity  and  TJie  Industrial  Pioneer,  published  in 
Chicago  by  the  general  officials ;  The  Industrial  Unionist, 
of  New  York,  which  is  supposed  to  represent  the  workers 
in  the  great  industries  in  the  East;  and  The  Industrial 
Worker,  of  Seattle,  representing  workers  in  the  North 
West.    The  others  are  chiefly  in  foreign  languages. 

General  Structure  of  Organization 

The  unit  of  organization  was  formerly  the  local  but  is 
now  the  industrial  union,  formed  of  all  the  workers  of  a 
given  industry.  The  ideal  of  the  I.  W.  W.  is  that  these 
unions  should  ignore  national  boundaries  and  eventually 
include  all  workers  in  their  special  industries  all  over  the 
world.  At  present,  however,  they  do  not  extend  beyond 
the  American  continent,  and  in  some  cases  may  be  limited 
to  one  section  of  the  country.  A  plan  for  combining 
unions  of  closely  allied  industries  into  departments  of 
manufacture,  mining,  agriculture,  construction,  transporta- 
tion, and  public  service,  was  worked  out  several  years  ago, 
but  it  has  not  been  put  into  operation,  though  it  was 
decided  at  the  1921  convention  to  submit  the  proposal  to 
a  referendum  of  the  membership.  Each  industrial  union 
has  charge  of  its  own  affairs,  electing  its  own  officers  and 
holding  its  own  annual  conventions.  A  uniform  initiation 
fee  of  $2,  and  uniform  monthly  dues  of  $1,  must  be  paid 
by  the  members  of  all  I.  W.  W.  unions,  however.  The  rule 

••  St.    John,    op.    cit.,    p.    34. 


Il< 


i68       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

is  that  officers  may  be  paid  no  more  than  the  approximate 
amount  they  would  receive  if  employed  in  industry — a 
marked  contrast  to  the  policy  of  most  A.  F.  of  L.  unions, 
which  allow  a  decided  difference  in  financial  status  be- 
tween officers  and  the  rank  and  file.  The  industrial  unions 
have  what  are  known  as  industrial  branches  established  in 
the  centers  most  convenient  for  the  workers,  and  these 
branches  are  further  subdivided  into: 

1.  Shop  or  job  sections,  with  committees  elected  by 

all  the  members  working  on  the  job. 

2.  Language    sections,    where    people    of    different 

tongues  are  included. 

3.  Department  sections,  in  large  industries  operated 

by  departments. 

4.  District  sections,  where  an  industry  covers  a  large 

local  area  and  workers  would  otherwise  have  to 
travel  long  distances  to  attend  meetings. 

These  different  subdivisions  always  act  together  through 
the  industrial  branch  or  union  in  dealing  with  the  em- 
ployer. In  order  to  bring  about  concerted  action  on  the 
part  of  the  workers  in  all  industries,  district  councils  made 
up  of  delegates  from  all  industrial  branches  and  unions  in 
each  district  are  also  formed.  All  branches  elect  the  same 
number  of  delegates  to  the  district  council  and  also  to 
the  Executive  Committee  of  their  own  industrial  union, 
regardless  of  size.  Besides  the  industrial  unions  with 
their  branches,  there  is  a  general  recruiting  union  with 
numerous  branches — sixty  in  191 9  ^^ — for  those  in  indus- 
tries not  having  enough  members  to  have  a  union  of  their 
own.  A  few  years  ago  there  were  many  more  mixed 
unions  in  the  I.  W.  W.  than  unions  made  up  of  men  of 
a  single  industry,  but  the  tendency  seems  to  be  toward 

"  St.  John,  op.  cit.,  p.  34. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     169 


grouping  members  along  industrial  lines.  The  mixed 
groups  of  course  served  more  as  propaganda  centers  than 
as  agencies  for  control  of  working  conditions. 

Tendency  Against  Centralized  Control 

The  I.  W.  W.  has  become  less  and  less  centralized  as 
time  has  gone  on.  The  original  constitution  provided  for 
a  highly  centralized  scheme  of  administration,  which  put 
large  powers  into  the  hands  of  the  general  officials.  The 
first  step  away  from  this  was  taken  in  1906,  when  the  office 
of  president  was  abolished,  and  since  then  a  fight  has  been 
continually  waged  between  those  who  wished  a  loose 
federation  and  those  who  desired  a  well-knit  organization. 
At  the  convention  of  191 3  an  effort  was  made  to  abolish 
the  General  Executive  Board  also,  and  retain  merely  a 
secretary-treasurer  and  organizer  who  should  be  responsi- 
ble to  the  rank  and  file."  Certain  locals  wished  to  reduce 
the  general  administration  to  a  "mere  clerical  agency"; 
to  abolish  the  convention  and  replace  it  by  the  initiative 
and  referendum,  as  not  all  locals  could  aflFord  to  send  dele- 
gates to  it;  to  put  all  agitators  under  the  control  of  the 
rank  and  file ;  and  finally  to  reduce  the  funds  of  the  gen- 
eral office  by  cutting  down  the  per  capita  tax  paid  by 
mixed  locals,  which  were  connected  directly  with  the 
central  organization.  A  two  weeks'  debate  took  place 
between  the  supporters  of  a  strong  central  government 
and  the  advocates  of  a  loose  association  of  sovereign 
local  unions.  According  to  Mr.  Brissenden,  it  was 
largely  a  struggle  between  the  western  membership  which 
was  "tainted  with  anarchism*'  and  the  eastern  which  was 
"infected  with  state  socialism."  ^^  There  has  been  from 
the   beginning   bitter    animosity   between    rival    factions 


II 


•*  Brissenden,    op.    cit.,    p.    307. 
**  Brissenden,  op.  cit.,  p.  304. 


I70        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

within  the  I.  W.  W.,  those  on  one  side  criticizing  the 
"syndicalists'*  for  trying  to  disrupt  the  I.  W.  W.,  and 
those  on  the  other  declaring  that  the  real  militants  must 
"exert  all  their  energies  to  stem  the  tide  of  conservatism 
and  faintheartedness  in  the  I.  W.  W.  organization."" 
Although  the  decentralizers  accomplished  little  at  the  con- 
vention of  1 91 3  except  the  adoption  of  a  provision  for 
initiative  and  referendum,  their  pressure  has  had  its  effect. 
Mr.  Roy  Brown,  chairman  of  the  General  Executive 
Board,  in  a  letter  to  the  writer  on  March  8,  192 1,  states: 

The  central  organization,  as  you  term  it,  has  no  control  over 
the  Industrial  Unions  whatever.  The  Industrial  Unions  are  con- 
trolled by  the  membership  and  the  General  Organization  is 
controlled  by  the  Industrial  Unions  thru  their  membership.  In 
other  words,  the  general  membership  of  the  I.  W.  W.  controls 
the  entire  organization  through  their  different  General  Organi- 
zation Committees,  Executives  Board,  etc. 

Ofificials  may  not  remain  in  office  more  than  one  year, 
partly  so  that  they  may  not  get  out  of  touch  with  produc- 
tive processes  and  the  wishes  of  the  rank  and  file,  and 
partly  so  that  other  workers  may  be  given  a  chance  to 
develop  their  ability.  No  official  may  be  a  delegate  to  the 
general  convention,  and  no  member  may  be  a  delegate 
twice  in  succession.^^  These  provisions  of  course  aim  to 
prevent  the  building  up  of  a  machine  which  will  fail  to 
represent  the  rank  and  file.  There  is  a  high  degree  of 
local  autonomy  which  makes  it  possible  for  the  workers  of 
a  branch  to  go  on  strike  without  consulting  higher  officials, 
sure  of  the  backing  of  other  workers  in  their  industry  and 
in  other  industries  if  necessary.^®     The  General  Execu- 

*•  Ibid.,  n.  316,  quoting  from  Mother  Earth,  October,  1913,  "The  I.  W.  W. 

Convention.  ' 

"  Solidarity,  June  5,    1920. 
"Ibid.,  July  24,  1920. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     171 

tive  Board,  however,  has  the  power  to  order  unions  out 
on  strike  in  order  to  help  their  striking  fellow-members 
if  it  sees  fit,  and  reserves  the  right  to  pass  on  any  agree- 
ments that  may  be  made  with  employers,  so  that  the 
organization  is  not  wholly  lacking  in  centralized  control. 
The  General  Executive  Board  is  made  up  of  seven  mem- 
bers, six  of  whom  represent  the  six  largest  unions  and 
are  elected  by  them,  and  the  seventh  the  smaller  industrial 
unions,  who  act  jointly  in  electing  him.  There  is  also  a 
general  secretary-treasurer  who  is  nominated  by  the 
convention  and  elected  by  vote  of  the  entire  membership. 
All  officials  may  be  recalled  at  any  time.  Constitutional 
amendments  must  be  referred  to  the  rank  and  file,  and 
any  industrial  union  may  demand  a  referendum  on  other 
matters,  which  must  be  held  if  the  demand  is  endorsed 
by  a  "sufficient"  number  of  seconds,  as  the  constitution 
rather  vaguely  states.  In  regard  to  these  provisions  the 
I.  W.  W.  does  not  differ  particularly  from  other  progres- 
sive unions. 


Success  and  Failure 

As  has  been  said,  the  I.  W.  W.  has  been  more  success- 
ful in  propaganda  than  in  controlling  the  working  condi- 
tions of  its  members,  in  spite  of  temporary  success  in 
some  of  its  strikes.  One  of  its  former  members,  in  an 
article  criticizing  the  organization,  declares  with  con- 
siderable truth  that  the  I.  W.  W.  "has  been  too  revolution- 
ary to  be  a  success  as  a  union"  and  "has  been  too 
conservative  to  be  a  success  as  a  revolution."  The 
average  I.  W.  W.  advocate,  he  declares,  is  a  victim  of 
extreme  self-deception,  believing  that  "the  workers  are 
shouting  for  revolution  when  they  are  only  cheering  for 
pork  chops."'®    The  demand  for  immediate  practical  re- 

••  Harold   Lord   Varney,    New    York    World.    Feb.    8,    1920. 


172       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

suits  on  the  part  of  the  masses  thus  tends  to  make  the 
I.  W.  W.  slightly  more  conservative  than  a  purely  propa- 
ganda organization,  but  its  essential  radicalism  prevents 
its  winning  and  holding  as  large  numbers  as  are  gained 
by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  or  by  some  of  the  independent  unions. 
Even  the  editor  of  the  official  organ,  Solidarity,  admitted 
a  few  years  ago  that  "at  present  we  are  to  the  labor  move- 
ment what  the  high  diver  is  to  the  circus — a,  sensation 
marvelous  and  thrilling.  We  attract  the  crowds  .  .  . 
but  as  far  as  making  industrial  unionism  fit  the  life  of  the 
worker  we  have  failed  miserably."  *®  The  I.  W.  W.  has 
high  ideals  of  fraternity,  and  there  are  many  constructive 
possibilities  in  its  hope  for  the  control  of  industry  by  the 
workers,  but  it  has  not  yet  learned  how  to  build  up  an 
organization  controlling  a  large  enough  proportion  of  the 
workers  to  make  it  very  effective  from  a  practical  point 
of  view. 

Workers'   International    Industrial    Union — Member- 
ship 

On  the  other  hand,  it  has  won  a  much  greater  degree 
of  practical  success  than  the  Detroit  organization  which 
kept  the  name  of  I.  W.  W.  till  191 5.  and  then  changed  it 
to  Workers'  International  Industrial  Union  in  order  to 
escape  the  odium  attached  to  the  older  title.  The  greatest 
strength  of  this  organization  was  in  191 2,  when  it  had 
nearly  11,000  members,  while  the  Chicago  I.  W.  W.  had 
only  a  little  over  18,000.*^  From  that  time  it  steadily 
decreased,  however,  and  now  claims  somewhat  less  than 
2,000  in  regular  standing,  according  to  the  report  of  the 
general  secretary  in  June,  1920.  In  addition  to  these  there 
may  be  some  thousands  of  members  whose  dues  are  not 


^Solidarity,  Aug.  aj,  191 3. 

*^  BriMendcn,  op.  cit..  Appendix  4,  Table  D. 


i 
J 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     173 

regularly  paid,  the  secretary  states,  but  he  admits  sadly 
that  the  "membership  is  not  as  numerous  as  we  had  been 
led  to  believe  on  past  occasions,"  and  the  finances  are  in 
a  deplorable  condition.*^  At  the  convention  of  the 
Workers'  International  Industrial  Union  held  in  June, 
1920,  twenty-seven  delegates  from  twelve  states,  ranging 
from  Massachusetts  to  Nebraska,  were  present.  Twenty- 
nine  locals  were  listed  in  the  Industrial  Union  News, 
official  organ  of  the  W.  I.  I.  U.,  in  that  year. 

Structure 

The  structure  of  the  W.  I.  I.  U.  is  similar  to  that  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  National  unions  are  formed  for  different 
industries,  and  kindred  national  unions  are  grouped, 
theoretically  at  least,  into  departments,  representatives  of 
which  form  the  General  Executive  Committee  of  the 
whole  organization.  Universal  transfer  cards  are  issued 
from  one  union  to  another.  Locals  are  established  in 
different  centers,  and  these  locals  are  subdivided  into  shop 
branches  or  as  the  particular  requirements  of  the  industry 
make  necessary.  Until  1914  the  constitution  provided  for 
subdivision  into  trade  branches  according  to  the  tool  used 
or  the  nature  of  the  service  rendered,  which  DeLeon  had 
held  to  be  the  true  form  of  industrial  unionism.  A  long 
debate  was  recently  held  on  the  question  of  returning  to 
that  type  of  organization,  and  decided  differences  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  industrial  unionism 
were  expressed.*' 

Relations  with  the  I.  W.  W. 

There  has  been  very  bitter  feeling  between  the  Detroit 
and  Chicago  groups  ever  since  they  separated  in  1908. 


**  Industrial  Union  News,  June  a6,  1920. 
**  Industrial  Union  News,  Nov.  30,  i^zo. 


174       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

On  some  occasions  they  have  come  into  direct  conflict,  as 
in  the  silk  strike  in  Patterson  in  191 3.  By  representing 
itself  to  be  the  only  I.  W.  W.,  the  Detroit  body  was  able  to 
"deceive  several  thousand  textile  workers"  in  Patterson 
and  other  places,  and  then  "betrayed  the  workers  into  the 
hands  of  the  mill  owners,"  declares  Vincent  St.  John.** 
Each  organization  has  nothing  but  contempt  for  the  other, 
and  loses  no  opportunity  to  express  that  contempt.  In 
its  manifesto  issued  in  191 5,  the  W.  I.  I.  U.  declares  that 
it  "refuses  to  conduct  the  class  struggle  on  the  lines  of 
a  dog  fight.  It  does  not  sanction  lawlessness  on  the  part 
of  employers,  capitalists  and  their  hirelings  by  doing  like- 
wise. It  condemns  sabotage  and  all  such  childish  prac- 
tices by  anyone  as  useless  for  the  working  class  and 
harmful  to  real  progress."  In  these  statements  it  is 
obviously  attacking  the  I.  W.  W.  "The  workers'  strength 
lies  in  individual  and  collective  intelligence,  organized 
class  action,  agitation  and  education.  The  political  and 
industrial  unity  of  the  wealth  producers  provides  all  the 
weapons  necessary  in  the  fight  for  emancipation,"  it  goes 
on  to  say.  Propaganda  for  true  industrial  unionism  has 
nothing  to  do  with  "sabotage  or  other  slum  tactics,"  and 
Socialist  industrial  unionists  will  need  many  years  to 
repair  the  damage  done  to  labor  by  the  I.  W.  W.  methods, 
the  Industrial  Union  News  declares.*' 

Comparison  with  the  I.  W.  W. 

The  original  I.  W.  W.  preamble  was  kept  by  the 
organization  till  191 5,  when  it  was  slightly  amended,  but 
in  general  the  philosophy  therein  expressed  is  very  similar 
to  that  of  the  present  I.  W.  W.  Emphasis  is  placed  on 
the  necessity  of  organizing  in  such  a  way  that  all  the 

**  St.  John,  op.  cit.,  p.  n. 

**  Industrial  Union  News,  Feb.  5,  19 Ji. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  WORKERS  OF  THE  WORLD     175 

members  in  any  one  industry  or  in  all  industries  may 
cease  work  to  aid  their  striking  brothers,  "thus  making 
an  injury  to  one  an  injury  to  all,"  and  of  steadily  aiming 
at  the  overthrow  of  the  capitalist  wage  system.  The 
necessity  for  political  as  well  as  economic  action  is  in- 
sisted upon,  however.  Industrial  unionism  is  "the  eco- 
nomic phase  of  the  Socialist  movement,  fighting  on  the 
industrial  field  for  the  Socialist  republic,"  the  Manifesto 
states.  From  the  beginning  the  organization  has  been 
closely  connected  with  the  Socialist  Labor  Party,  though 
it  has  continuously  refused  to  recognize  the  party  name 
in  its  official  statements,  and  its  energies  are  almost 
wholly  devoted  to  radical  propaganda  rather  than  to 
effective  union  activity.  The  relative  weakness  of  the 
W.  I.  I.  U.  in  comparison  with  the  I.  W.  W.  is  partly 
due  to  this  very  fact.  Not  only  has  it  failed  to  further 
the  immediate  interests  of  its  members,  but  in  its  zeal 
for  propaganda  it  has  allied  itself  with  the  smaller  and 
less  influential  of  the  two  Socialist  parties,  and  for  that 
reason  has  failed  to  enroll  many  radicals  who  might 
otherwise  have  been  attracted  to  such  a  movement.  The 
organization  was  held  together  largely  by  the  personality 
of  Daniel  DeLeon  in  its  early  years,  and  after  his  death 
there  was  no  one  to  take  his  place  as  a  cohesive  factor. 
Both  the  W.  I.  I.  U.  and  the  I.  W.  W.  have  been  weak- 
ened by  the  defection  of  members  who  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  way  of  progress  lies  rather  in  reform- 
ing the  A.  F.  of  L.  than  in  building  up  a  rival  organiza- 
tion, and  have  therefore  turned  back  to  the  orthodox  labor 
movement.  These  men  are  seeking  to  "bore  from  within" 
the  craft  organizations  and  spread  the  gospel  of  industrial 
unionism  among  the  great  mass  of  the  organized  workers 
of  the  country.  Needless  to  say,  both  the  I.  W.  W.  and 
the  W.  I.  I.  U.  have  nothing  but  scorn  for  such  eflForts. 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


177 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 

Canadian  Origin 

Although  the  term  "One  Big  Union"  has  for  many 
years  been  claimed  by  the  I.  W.  W.,  a  new  organization 
bearing  that  name  sprang  up  in  western  Canada  early  in 
191a  and  some  months  later  spread  to  the  United  States. 
This  organization  has  been  called  by  some  of  its  enemies 
merely  the  Canadian  branch  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  but  in 
reality  there  is  little  love  lost  between  the  two  bodies 
Like  the  I.  W.  W.,  the  One  Big  Union  is  an  inter-indus- 
tnal  organization,  seeking  to  unite  all  industrial  workers 
on  a  platform  of  radical  class  consciousness,  but  there  are 
various  points  of  difference  between  them,  as  will  be  noted 
later,  and  the  I.  W.  W.  is  quite  contemptuous  of  the 
newer  organization. 

The  One  Big  Union  movement  in  Canada  grew  out  of 
long-continued  discontent  with  the  policies  of  the  Trades 
and  Labour  Congress  of  the  Dominion  on  the  part  of 
the  western  labor  bodies.    On  the  ground  that  the  Con- 
gress always  met  in  the  East,  and  that  the  West  was 
therefore  unable  to  have  proper  representation  or  to  make 
its  will  effective,  a  special  convention  of  delegates  from 
all  western  labor  bodies  was  called  to  meet  at  Calgary, 
Alberta,  on  March  13,  1919.     Representatives  from  all 
the  western  provinces  were  instrumental  in  making  ar- 
rangements for  it,  but  the  final  call  for  it  was  issued  by 
the  British  Columbia  Federation  of  Labor.    This  Western 
Inter-Provincial   Labour   Conference,  as   it   was  called, 
was  attended  by  237  delegates  from  the  different  labor 

176 


organizations  in  the  four  western  provinces  and  2  from 
Ontario.  When  the  convention  was  first  planned  it  was 
not  intended  as  a  secession  movement  but  as  a  means  of 
uniting  the  western  labor  groups  for  progressive  action 
within  the  Trades  and  Labour  Congress.  As  soon  as 
the  convention  opened,  however,  it  became  apparent  that 
the  delegates  wished  a  complete  reorganization  of  the 
labor  movement  along  industrial  lines.  A  resolution  in- 
troduced by  the  British  Columbia  Federation  of  Labour 
provided  that  the  convention  recommend  to  its  member- 
ship the  severance  of  their  affiliation  with  the  international 
unions  connected  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  Trades  and 
Labour  Congress,  and  the  formation  of  an  industrial 
organization  of  all  workers.  This  resolution  roused  much 
discussion,  but  after  being  amended  to  provide  for  a 
referendum  of  the  entire  Canadian  membership  on  the 
subject,  it  was  passed  without  a  dissenting  vote.  A 
Policy  Committee  which  was  then  appointed  presented  a 
report  recommending  The  One  Big  Union  as  the  name 
of  the  new  organization,  and  providing  for  committees 
to  carry  on  propaganda  in  connection  with  the  referendum 
which  was  to  be  taken. 

Adoption  of  Radical  Resolutions 

Various  other  significant  resolutions  were  passed  at 
the  convention.  The  first  to  be  introduced  read  as  follows : 

Realizing  that  the  aims  and  objects  of  the  labour  movement 
should  be  the  improving  of  the  social  and  economic  conditions  of 
society  in  general,  and  the  working  class  in  particular, 

And  whereas  the  present  system  of  production  for  profit  and 
the  institutions  resulting  therefrom  prevent  this  being  achieved, 

Be  it  resolved  that  the  aims  of  labour  as  represented  in  this  con- 
vention are  the  abolition  of  the  present  system  of  production  for 
profit  and  the  substituting  therefor  of  production  for  use,  and  that 
a  system  of  propaganda  to  this  end  be  carried  on. 


178       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

This  resolution,  which  was  unanimously  adopted,   well 
expresses  the  spirit  of  the  movement.    Another  one  after 
emphasizing  the  need  for  industrial  organization,  made 
the  following  statement:  "We  place  ourselves  on  record 
as  being  opposed  to  the  innocuity  of  labour  leaders  lobby- 
ing Parliament  for  palliatives  which  do  not  palliate" — a 
sentence  which  was  seized  upon  by  enemies  of  the  organi- 
zation as  an  indication  that  it  was  opposed  to  all  parlia- 
mentary  methods.     Mr.    Pritchard,   one  of   the   leading 
spirits  in  the  movement,  in  his  speech  before  the  jury 
when  on  trial  for  seditious  conspiracy,  declared  that  at 
the  Calgary  convention  there  were  one  or  two  delegates 
who    wanted   to    repudiate    parliaments    altogether,    and 
some  others  at  the  opposite  pole  who  wanted  the  conven- 
tion to  start  a  new  political  party,  but  the  majority,  how- 
ever, felt  that  more  could  be  accomplished  by  strengthen- 
ing their  economic  organization  than  by  taking  any  definite 
stand  on  political  matters,  one  way  or  the  other.^    He  de- 
nied that  the  convention  opposed  political  action  in  its 
proper  place. 

Still  more  excitement  was  aroused  by  the  resolution 
about  Russia  which  was  passed  unanimously  and  with- 
out discussion.  This  resolution  endorsed  the  system  of 
industrial  Soviet  control,  declared  the  principle  of  "pro- 
letarian dictatorship"  to  be  "absolute  and  efficient  for 
the  transformation  of  capitalist  private  property  to  com- 
munal wealth,"  and  sent  fraternal  greetings  to  the  Russian 
Soviets  and  to  the  German  Spartacides.  Later  in  the 
proceedings  the  convention  voted  unanimously  to  demand 
the  immediate  withdrawal  of  Allied  troops  from  Russia, 
and  declared  in  favor  of  a  general  strike  on  June  i,  19 19, 
if  the  Allies  persisted  in  their  attempts  to  overthrow  the 

*  W.  A.  Pritchard's  Address  to  the  Jury,  March  23-24,   1920,  Winnipeg, 
p.  108. 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


179 


Soviet  government.    The  fact  that  such  dangerous  reso- 
lutions were  so  hastily  passed  indicates  that  in  this  case, 
as  in  the  case  of  many  other  labor  organizations  about 
this   time,   enthusiasm    for   a   successful   working   class 
movement  roused   spontaneous  expressions  of   approval 
without  any  very  clear  appreciation  of  what  such  approval 
involved.    To  be  sure,  some  of  the  leaders  were  able  to 
discuss  Soviet  principles  at  some  length— as  Mr.  Pritchard 
did  in  his  speech  of  defense,  when  he  argued  that  dictator- 
ship of  the  proletariat  was  merely  dictatorship  of  the 
majority,  and  suppression  of  the  dictatorship  of  finan- 
ciers 2— but  it  is  probable  that  most  of  those  who  voted 
for   these   resolutions    did   so   with   comparatively   little 
thought  about  their  meaning.     At  any  rate  the  general 
strike  in  behalf  of  Russia  never  took  place,  even  though 
there  was  no  apparent  change  in  government  policy.  Other 
important  resolutions  declared  for  a  six-hour  day  and 
five-day  week,  release  of  political  prisoners,  and  freedom 
of  speech,  and  threatened  a  general  strike  on  June   i 
unless   these   demands   also   were   granted.     When   the 
referendum  in  regard  to  the  formation  of  the  One  Big 
Union  was  held,  a  vote  was  also  taken  on  the  question  of 
the  strike  for  the  six-hour  day,  but  as  the  results  of  this 
vote  were  not  made  public,  and  no  strike  took  place,  it 
is  to  be  assumed  that  the  enthusiasm  of  the  rank  and  file 
for  general  strikes  was  less  strong  than  the  convention 
had  expected. 

Growth  in  Western  Canada 

In  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Dominion  comparatively 
little  interest  in  the  new  movement  was  shown,  but  accord- 
ing to  Secretary  Midgley  the  vote  in  the  four  western 
provinces  was  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  the  O.  B.  U. 

•  op.  cit.t  p.  lao. 


:u 


i8o       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Up  to  May  30,  258  unions  in  the  western  provinces  (not 
including  Winnipeg  from  which  returns  had  not  been  re- 
ceived) voted  on  the  question,  the  estimated  membership 
of  these  unions  being  41,365.  Of  these,  24,239,  belong- 
ing to  188  unions,  had  voted  in  favor  of  forming  the  new 
organization.'  The  call  which  was  sent  out  for  a  confer- 
ence to  perfect  the  plans  for  organization,  stated  that  the 
vote  of  those  working  in  the  vital  industries  from  Port 
Arthur,  Ont.,  to  Victoria,  B.  C,  had  "surpassed  our  most 
optimistic  anticipations."  The  first  unit  of  the  O.  B.  U. 
was  established  in  Vancouver  immediately  after  the  con- 
vention, with  a  reputed  membership  of  1,700  composed 
of  machinists,  boilermakers,  and  blacksmiths.  Some- 
what later  the  Vancouver  Trades  and  Labour  Council 
withdrew  from  its  old  affiliation  and  joined  the  new  body. 
The  older  trade  unions  made  vigorous  efforts  to  check  the 
growth  of  the  movement,  canceling  the  charters  of  all 
locals  which  connected  themselves  with  it,  but  neverthe- 
less the  movement  spread  rapidly,  many  locals  going  over 
to  it.  By  the  end  of  1919,  8  central  labour  councils,  2 
district  boards,  and  loi  local  units,  with  a  reported  mem- 
bership of  41,150,  were  affiliated  with  the  O.  B.  U.* 
The  membership  was  largely  in  the  West,  though  there 
were  two  units  in  Montreal  and  a  few  in  other  places  in 
the  East. 

Branch  Organization  in  the  United  States 

In  September,  1919,  the  first  steps  were  taken  toward 
organizing  the  O.  B.  U.  in  the  United  States,  when  Mr. 
R.  B.  Russell  was  sent  to  Chicago  to  attend  a  meeting 
called  for  that  purpose.    A  few  months  later  the  O.  B.  U. 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


181 


sent  another  organizer,  who  succeeded  in  getting  a  Chicago 
lodge  of  sheet  metal  workers  to  secede  from  their  Inter- 
national and  enrolled  many  of  its  members  in  the  new 
movement.     Another   representative   was   sent   to    New 
York  at  the  request  of  certain  independent  unions  there. 
In  June,  1920,  the  United  States  branch  of  the  O.  B.  U. 
was  formally  launched  at  a  convention  held  in  Chicago, 
attended  by  43  delegates,   representing  40,000  men,   it 
was  claimed.''    The  membership  was  chiefly  made  up  of 
machinists  and  roundhouse  men  on  the  railroads.     Prior 
to   the  convention,   units   had  been   established   in  nine 
cities  in  the  western  portion  of  the  United  States,  San 
Francisco,   Los  Angeles,   Seattle,   Oakland,   Butte,   Mil- 
waukee, Toledo,  and  Neihart.®     The  same  preamble  as 
that  of  the  Canadian  body  was  adopted,  but  a  separate 
Executive.  Board  for  the  United  States,  to  have  full  charge 
of  matters  affecting  the  membership  in  this  country,  was 
elected.    This  board  has  been  working  in  close  harmony 
with  the  Canadian  board,  however.    It  had  been  decided 
the  previous  January  that  the  locals  in  the  United  States 
should  elect  a  representative  to  serve  on  the  Canadian  Ex- 
ecutive Board,  but  it  soon  became  apparent  that  the  organi- 
zation work  south  of  the  Canadian  border  must  be  handled 
by  the  United  States  membership  directly  and  financed 
by  it. 

Strength  in  the  United  States 

It  is  difficult  to  get  accurate  figures  as  to  the  present 
membership  of  the  O.  B.  U.  in  the  United  States.  The 
Canadian  Department  of  Labour  in  its  report  for  1920 
declared  that  little  had  been  heard  of  the  United  States 
branch  of  the  organization  since  the   June  convention 


•  Dept.  of   Labour,   Canada,  gth  Annual  Report  on  Labour  Organisation 
in  Canada,  p.  2$. 

*lhid.,  10th  Annual  Report  on  Labour  Organisation  in  Canada,  p.  aj. 


•Industrial  Union  News,  July  24,  1920.  •    .-       •     i-       j. 

•  Dept.  of  Labour,  10th  Annual  Report  on  Labour  Organisation  *n  Canada, 

p.  30. 


i82        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

when  It  was  organized.     On  the  other  hand,  the  report 
of  the  U.  S.  Executive  Board  of  the  O.  B.  U.,  pubhshed 
in  the  O.  B.  U.  Bulletin  of  Winnipeg,  January  i,  192 1, 
stated  that  there  were  thirty-three  units  in  the  country 
paying  per  capita  tax  to  the  central  office,  exclusive  of 
the  northern  district  of  California,  from  which  no  tax 
was  coming  though  the  movement  there  was  far  from 
dead.     Early  in   1922,  one  of  the  O.  B.  U.  organizers 
estimated  that  there  were  slightly  less  than  30,000  mem- 
bers of  his  organization  in  the  United  States.    Units  were 
m  existence  in  Lawrence,  Mass.,  and  Altoona,  Pa.,  and 
in  about  twenty-eight  western  cities.     In   Lawrence  a 
group  of   textile   workers   had   broken   away   from   the 
Amalgamated  Textile  Workers'  local  in  order  to  join 
the  O.  B.  U.^ 

The  report  of  the  U.  S.  Executive  Board  in   192 1 
expressed  opposition  to  a  resolution  passed  by  the  Los 
Angeles  units  in  favor  of  the  consolidation  of  all  in- 
dependent labor  groups,  and  declared  that  the  amalgama- 
tion  of  conflicting  elements  could  arrive  at  no  satisfactory 
working  program.     "A  sinister  attempt  on  the  part  of 
anarcho-syndicalist  elements  in  the  labor  movement 
to  disrupt  the  [first]  convention  by  seating  delegates  who 
didn't  represent  anyone  but  themselves,"  had  led  many  in 
the  organization  to  feel  that  they  must  be  cautious  about 
uniting  with  others,  the  report  declared.     The  O.  B.  U. 
has  therefore  held  aloof  from  all  other  labor  organizations 
—though  its  bulletin  has  been  known  to  bestow  praise 
upon   certain   labor   bodies,    such   as   the   Amalgamated 
Qothing  Workers  of  America.^ 

wJiT1!*t"****°*^^  "^^  ^y  ^^^  O.  B.  U.  organizer  to  disruot  the  A  T  W 
lr/SarterT;g?n7za1ioV'^?,iS',r^  most^nscrupulousT  the'  o'ffic.^is'^f 
these  officials  yrXVt  ^^L^.  ^^^.^^  oHJe  Vl^'^a^nl  i^^^ 

•  O.  B.  U.  Bulletin,  Feb.  5.  ipai. 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


183 


The  Winnipeg  Strike 

The  general  strike  which  broke  out  in  Winnipeg  on 
May  15.  1919,  and  lasted  till  June  26,  involving  some 
35,000  people,  did  much  to  give  publicity  to  the  O.  B.  U. 
movement.®    Although  the  strike  was  called  by  the  ortho- 
dox craft  unions  and  the  O.  B.  U.  disclaimed  all  responsi- 
bility   for   it,   at   least  two   of   the   strike   leaders   were 
members  of  the  new  organization.    Propaganda  in  favor 
of  industrial  unionism  was  widespread  during  the  strike, 
and  during  the  trial  of  eight  of  the  strike  leaders  for 
seditious  conspiracy  much  was  made  of  the  reputed  con- 
nection between  the  O.  B.  U.  and  the  Winnipeg  move- 
ment.    In  spite  of  repeated  denials  on  the  part  of  both 
radical  and  conservative  labor  leaders  in  Winnipeg,  the 
government  maintained  that  the  strike  was  nothing  short 
of  an  attempt  at  revolution.     The  trouble  arose  when 
both  the  building  trades  and  the  metal  trades  of  the  city 
went  out  on  strike,  independently,  for  increased  wages 
and  the  right  of  collective  bargaining.     The  Trades  and 
Labour  Council  then  voted  to  endorse  the  demands  of 
these  unions,  and  to  call   for  a  strike  vote  of   all  the 
affiliated  membership  as  to  whether  they  should  go  out 
in  sympathy  or  not.     An  overwhelming  majority  of  the 
workers  of  the  city  voted  to  join  the  strike,  and  in  a 
short  time  the  whole  productive  system  and  most  branches 
of  the  distributive  system  were  at  a  standstill.    Even  the 
police  had  voted  to  go  out  with  the  others  but  the  strike 
committee  requested  them,  as  well  as  the  water  works 
employees  of  the  city,  to  remain  on  duty.     In  order  that 
the  city  might  be  fed,  the  strike  committee  met  with  the 
city   council    and   arranged    a    system    whereby    bakers, 
teamsters,  and  others  supplying  bread  and  milk  for  the 

•  Henceforth  the  term  O.  B.  U.  will  refer  to  the  Canadian  branch  unless 
otherwise  stated. 


1 84       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

people  might  continue  at  work,  protected  by  special  cards 
bearing  the  words,  "Permitted  by  Authority  of  the  Strike 
Committee."  ^° 

The  details  of  this  dramatic  general  strike  cannot  be 
given  here  but  we  must  note  that  it  was  the  cry  of  Bol- 
shevism that  finally  crushed  it,  although  the  strikers  em- 
phatically declared  that  they  did  not  want  dictatorship, 
revolution,  or  disorder.     A  citizens'  committee  of  1,000 
fought  it  vigorously  by  all  possible  means  and  secured  the 
indictment  of  many  of  its  leaders.    R.  B.  Russell,  one  of 
the  leading  spirits  in  both  the  O.  B.  U.  and  the  Winnipeg 
strike,    was    sentenced   to    jail    for    two   years    (though 
actually  released  before  his  term  was  up),  and  several 
other  strike  leaders  were  imprisoned.    In  connection  with 
raising  money  for  the  defense  of  these  men,  considerable 
propaganda  for  O.  B.  U.  principles  was  spread  through 
the  Dominion.     The  Winnipeg  Defense  Committee  pre- 
sented to  the  second  O.  B.  U.  convention,  held  in  January, 
1920,  a  resolution  asking  for  a  vote  on  a  general  strike  to 
secure  the  release  of  the  Winnipeg  strike  leaders,  in  which 
workers  in  the  British  Isles  should  be  asked  to  cooperate, 
but  the  committee  to  which  it  was  referred  reported  that 
while  in  full  sympathy  with  the  spirit  of  the  resolution, 
it  felt  that  such  serious  consequences  were  involved  that 
all  other  means  should  be  exhausted  first.     This  report 
was  adopted.     On  July  15,   1919,  the  Winnipeg  Trades 
Council  adopted  the  constitution  of  the  O.  B.  U.  and  re- 
quested all  unions  which  were  affiliated  with  the  Trades 
and  Labour  Congress  and  the  A.  F.  of  L.  internationals 
to  withdraw  and  join  the  new  body.     Several  unions, 
chiefly  in  the  railroad  shops,  did  so.  and  Winnipeg  has 
become  the  chief  stronghold  of  the  O.  B.  U.    The  Trades 

CommTtUe.'^!"Ja!''^  ^'"*'*'  ^y*^^^**^*^  •^"'•*''   P^^'^^^  by   the   Defcwe 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


i8S 


and  Labour  Congress  immediately  organized  a  new  coun- 
cil, however,  which  claimed  to  represent  the  majority  of 
the  organized  workers  of  the  city. 

Philosophy  and  Aim 

What  is  the  real  spirit  and  aim  of  this  One  Big  Union 
which  has  roused  so  much  commotion  in  Canada  and 
spread  even  to  the  United  States  ?  Its  preamble,  summing 
up  its  general  philosophy,  is  as  follows: 

Modern  industrial  society  is  divided  into  two  classes,  those  who 
possess  and  do  not  produce  and  those  who  produce  and  do  not 
possess.  Alongside  this  main  division  all  other  classifications  fade 
into  insignificance.  Between  these  two  classes  a  continual  struggle 
takes  place.  As  with  buyers  and  sellers  of  any  commodity,  there 
exists  a  struggle  on  the  one  hand  of  the  buyer  to  buy  as  cheaply 
as  possible,  and  on  the  other  of  the  seller  to  sell  for  as  much  as 
possible,  so  with  the  buyers  and  sellers  of  labor  power.  In  the 
struggle  over  the  purchase  and  sale  of  labor  power  the  buyers  are 
always  masters. — the  sellers  always  workers.  From  this  fact 
arises  the  inevitable  class  struggle. 

As  industry  develops  and  ownership  becomes  concentrated 
more  and  more  into  fewer  hands ;  as  the  control  of  the  economic 
forces  of  society  become  more  and  more  the  sole  property  of 
imperialistic  finance;  it  becomes  apparent  that  the  workers,  in 
order  to  sell  their  labor  power  with  any  degree  of  success,  must 
extend  their  forms  of  organization  in  accordance  with  changing 
industrial  methods.  Compelled  to  organize  for  self-defence,  they 
are  further  compelled  to  educate  themselves  in  preparation  for  the 
social  change  which  economic  developments  will  produce  whether 
they  seek  it  or  not. 

The  One  Big  Union,  therefore,  seeks  to  organize  the  wage 
workers  according  to  class  and  class  needs;  and  calls  upon  all 
workers  to  organize  irrespective  of  nationality,  sex  or  craft  into 
a  workers*  organization,  so  that  they  may  be  enabled  to  more  suc- 
cessfully carry  on  the  everyday  fight  over  wages,  hours  of  work, 
etc.,  and  prepare  themselves  for  the  day  when  production  for 
profit  shall  be  replaced  by  production  for  use. 


i86        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Tactics 

Although  it  recognizes  the  inevitable  class   struggle 
between  those  who  buy  labor  and  those  who  sell  it,  the 
preamble  in  comparison  with  that  of  the  I.  W.  W.  is 
very  mild  and  innocuous — quite  as  much  so  as  those  of 
many  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  unions.     It  looks  forward  to 
a  social  change  which  will  usher  in  the  day  when  pro- 
duction for  profit  shall  be  replaced  by  production  for  use, 
but  holds  that  this  social  change  will  be  produced  by 
economic  developments  whether  the  workers  seek  it  or 
not.     The  part  of  the  workers  is  first  to  educate  them- 
selves in  preparation  for  this  change,  and  second  to  unite 
in  one  organization  irrespective  of  craft,  not  merely  for 
carrying  on  the  everyday  struggle  to  get  better  wages  and 
hours,  but  also  to  make  ready  for  the  future.    A  bulletin 
issued  by  the  General  Executive  Board  declares  that  the 
O.  B.  U.  "does  not  advocate  overthrowing  the  govern- 
ment by  violence"  but  "does  advocate  education  of  the 
working  class  that  they  may  understand  government"; 
"does  not  preach  bloodshed,  riot,  anarchy  or  sabotage" 
but  "does  contend  that  only  by  a  change  in  the  present 
basis  of  distribution  of  wealth  can  rebellion  be  avoided"; 
"does  not  ask  for  a  fair  day's  pay  for  a  fair  day's  work" 
but  "does  propose  that  the  worker  should  receive  the  full 
product  of  his  toil";  "does  not  claim  that  the  interests  of 
Capital  and  Labour  are  identical,"  but  "does  claim  that  La- 
bour produces  all  wealth."  "    In  a  footnote  it  is  explained 
that  the  terms  "worker"  or  "labor"  refer  to  "all  those 
who  by  useful  work  of  hand  or  brain   feed,  clothe  or 
shelter,  or  contribute  towards  the  health,  comfort  and 
education  of  the  human  race."    The  organization  upholds 
the  principle  of  the  general  strike,  in  which  all  the  workers 

Vanc^ver'***   ^*''    ^'    ***"**^   ^^   ^^   ^'    ^'    ^'    ^*°*'*'    Executive    Board, 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


187 


of  a  given  territory  stand  together  in  support  of  certain 
demands,  but  it  also  believes  in  a  certain  amount  of  politi- 
cal activity  at  the  same  time — in  spite  of  the  resolution 
passed  at  the  Western  Labour  Conference.  The  O.  B.  U, 
Bulletin  for  December  20,  1919,  declared  that  the  only 
hope  for  the  workers  was  "in  the  economic  and  political 
solidarity  of  the  working  class,  one  big  union  and  one 
workers'  party."  In  accordance  with  this  belief,  several  of 
the  O.  B.  U.  members  have  run  for  office  on  the  Labour 
tickets. 

Nevertheless,  signs  of  impatience  with  political  activity 
occasionally  break  out  in  the  organization.  The  O.  B.  U. 
Bulletin  for  October  23,  1920,  included  an  article  by  a 
contributor  on  the  uselessness  of  Parliament,  which 
characterized  that  body  as  "one  more  organized  hypoc- 
risy." A  resolution  which  gave  even  more  forceful  expres- 
sion to  this  feeling  of  impatience  was  passed  by  a  gather- 
ing called  together  by  the  O.  B.  U.  of  Lawrence,  Mass.,  in 
April,  1921.  It  declared  that  it  was  useless  to  ask  amnesty 
for  political  prisoners  as  "justice  is  a  joke  in  the  United 
States"  and  conditions  are  as  oppressive  as  those  of 
Russia  under  the  Czar.  "We  no  longer  have  any  faith 
in  your  constitutions  and  laws  and  courts,"  the  resolution 
stated.  "Let  us  abandon  these  everlasting  appeals  and 
prepare  at  once  to  release  the  class  war  prisoners  in  this 
country  by  direct  action."^*  This  incendiary  statement, 
however,  is  far  from  typical  of  O.  B.  U.  utterances  in 
general. 

Structure 

The  O.  B.  U.  differs  from  the  I.  W.  W.  not  only  in 
the  methods  which  it  endorses  but  also  in  its  structure. 
Whereas  the  I.  W.  W.  groups  the  workers  according  to 

»"iVew  York  Call,  April  19,  19JI. 


i88       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

industries  and  then  unites  them  all  in  one  central  organi- 
zation, the  O.  B.  U.  groups  them  chiefly  according  to  the 
territories   in   which  they   work.     In   small   towns   and 
isolated  places  where  few  workers  are  employed,  workers 
from  all  industries  are  organized  in  a  single  unit.     In 
larger  places,  separate  units  are  formed  for  different  in- 
dustries  or   occupatidns,   according   to   the  wish  of   the 
membership,  but  all  are  connected  by  means  of  central 
labour  councils  to  which  the  units  send  representatives. 
These  councils  have  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  O.  B.  U. 
in  their  respective  districts,  so  that  when  any  condition 
arises  which  affects  the  members  of  more  than  one  unit  or 
is  likely  to  involve  them  in  a  strike,  the  matter  is  handled 
by   the   entire   membership   through   the   central   labour 
council.    The  constitution  also  provides  for  district  boards 
"elected  from  units  or  camps  in  a  certain  industrial  region 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  care  of  the  internal  affairs  of 
their  industry."     At  the  close  of   1919  there  were  two 
such  district  boards,  one  for  the  coal  miners  and  one  for 
the   metal    miners.       The   loth   Annual  Report  of  the 
Canadian  Department  of  Labour,  published  early  in  192 1, 
states  that  as  no  reports  had  been  received  from  these  two 
boards  for  the  year  1920,  it  was  assumed  that  they  had 
ceased  to  function.    Of  course  such  evidence  is  not  con- 
clusive, but  it  is  apparent  that  the  boards  of  coal  and  metal 
miners  have  not  been  very  active  of  late.    No  other  district 
boards  have  been  reported. 

The  Department  of  Labour  reported  only  five  central 
labour  councils  in  existence  at  the  end  of  1920,  as  no  word 
had  been  received  from  three  others  which  had  been 
formed  previously.  Out  of  the  50  local  units  listed  in  the 
report,  9  were  known  as  "general  workers'  units,"  i  as  a 
"miscellaneous  unit,"  i  as  a  Women's  Labour  League,  i 
as  a  Finnish  workers'  unit,  and  5  bore  simply  the  names  of 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


189 


the  places  in  which  they  were  organized,  whereas  33 
belonged  to  specific  industries.  Although  the  preliminary 
grouping  is  thus  along  industrial  lines  usually,  the  chief 
emphasis  is  upon  the  territorial  rather  than  the  industrial 
basis  of  union.  It  is  believed  that  under  many  circum- 
stances workers  of  other  industries  in  the  same  locality 
may  be  of  greater  assistance  to  a  group  on  strike  than 
workers  of  the  same  industry  in  other  localities.  Further- 
more the  average  worker  is  compelled  to  change  his  occu- 
pation for  the  sake  of  getting  a  job  more  often  than  he 
changes  his  location,  and  hence  it  is  desirable  for  him  to  be 
closely  united  with  other  workers  in  his  own  town,  say  the 
leaders  of  the  O.  B.  U.  Although  it  is  doubtful  if  these 
statements  are  wholly  true,  except  in  the  case  of  the  un- 
skilled worker,  it  must  be  admitted  that  if  an  organization 
is  committed  to  the  policy  of  general  sympathetic  strikes, 
the  form  of  grouping  which  the  O.  B.  U.  has  adopted  is 
well  suited  to  that  end.  Workers  may  be  united  with 
other  workers  of  their  industry  in  the  same  locality,  but, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  apparently  non-existent  district 
boards,  have  no  direct  connection  with  units  of  the  same 
industry  in  other  localities.  The  L  W.  W.,  on  the  other 
hand,  unites  all  branches  of  an  industry  throughout  the 
country  directly. 

Secession  of  Lumber  Workers 

At  the  O.  B.  U.  convention  delegates  are  elected  by 
central  labour  councils,  district  boards,  or  isolated  units. 
In  general  the  representation  is  on  a  geographical  rather 
than  on  an  industrial  basis,  though  some  attempt  is  made 
to  choose  delegates  from  different  industries  where  this  is 
possible.  Insistence  upon  this  form  of  representation 
caused  the  O.  B.  U.  to  lose  a  large  proportion  of  its 
membership  at  the  Port  Arthur  convention  in  September, 


IQO        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

1920.  The  delegates  from  the  Lumber  Workers*  In- 
dustrial Union  insisted  that  they  be  seated  and  allowed  to 
vote  as  a  group  representing  the  lumber  workers,  not  as 
representing  different  territorial  divisions.  This  demand 
was  refused  and  the  credentials  of  three  of  the  ten  lumber 
delegates  rejected  altogether,  whereupon  all  of  the  lumber 
workers  withdrew  from  the  convention.  Soon  afterwards 
their  union,  including  about  20,ocx)  members,  severed  all 
connection  with  the  O.  B.  U.  The  lumber  workers 
believed  that  although  it  was  desirable  to  link  all  units 
in  a  geographical  district,  it  was  also  essential  to  unite 
all  branches  of  a  particular  industry,  and  for  that  reason 
they  persistently  refused  to  give  up  the  central  head- 
quarters of  their  industry  as  the  O.  B.  U.  demanded. 
Their  withdrawal  was  a  staggering  blow  from  which  the 
O.  B.  U.  has  not  yet  recovered.  Its  Bulletin  for  February 
5,  1921,  after  mentioning  that  some  groups  of  lumber 
workers  had  split  off  from  the  seceding  body  and  returned 
to  the  O.  B.  U.,  calls  the  action  of  the  Lumber  Workers' 
Industrial  Union  the  result  of  a  "mass  of  undigested 
syndicalist  propaganda,"  and  prophesied  that  it  would  fail 
because  "an  effective  working  class  organization  cannot 
recognize  divisions  of  either  craft  or  industry."  On  the 
other  hand,  many  are  the  prophesies  of  the  failure  of  the 
O.  B.  U.  because  it  does  not  sufficiently  recognize  indus- 
trial divisions.  The  Industrial  Union  News,  organ  of  the 
Workers*  International  Industrial  Union,  says :  "The  O. 
B.  U.  seeks  to  masquerade  under  the  guise  of  industrial 
unionism  while  organized  on  a  territorial  plane,  without 
sound  foundations  and  building  from  the  top  down."  It 
is  a  "hodge-podge,"  somewhat  like  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
neither  craft  nor  industrial  in  structure.^'  The  lumber 
workers  seceded  from  it  because  they  refused  to  recognize 

^Jndtutrial  Union  Nnos,  Oct.  9,  19 jo. 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


101 


the  present  organization  or  officials  as  representative  of 
the  principles  of  industrial  unionism,  and  intended  to  be 
separate  till  that  body  again  conformed  to  the  original 
platform  upon  which  they  had  first  joined,  declares  this 
journal.^* 

Emphasis  on  Class 

It  is  true  that  there  has  been  something  of  a  change  in 
the  platform  of  the  O.  B.  U.  since  it  was  first  organized. 
The  preamble  originally  adopted  declared  that  the  union 
aimed  to  "organize  the  wage  worker,  not  according  to 
craft  but  according  to  industry,  according  to  class  and  class 
needs,"  but  by  referendum  vote  taken  the  latter  part  of 
1920  the  words  "not  according  to  craft  but  according  to 
industry"  were  dropped.  In  a  later  clause  it  was  made 
plain  that  workers  must  organize  irrespective  of  craft,  so  it 
is  evident  that  there  was  no  thought  of  going  back  to  the 
craft  type  of  union — though  the  Industrial  Union  News 
claims  that  some  of  the  local  units  of  the  O.  B.  U.  are 
practically  only  craft  bodies.  Apparently  there  has  been 
a  growing  feeling  in  the  union  that  industrial  lines 
as  well  as  craft  ones  should  be  subordinated  completely 
in  order  to  bring  about  true  class  solidarity.  An  editorial 
appearing  in  the  New  Textile  Worker  for  September  25, 
1920,  declares  that  the  O.  B.  U.,  in  grouping  all  trades 
together  in  "local  or  district  conglomerations"  and  then 
federating  them  into  a  "super-conglomeration,"  loses 
sight  of  the  ultimate  purpose  of  trade  unionism,  which  is 
to  organize  workers  that  they  may  carry  on  production. 
As  production  is  carried  on  not  by  localities  but  by  in- 
dustries, organization  should  be  primarily  on  industrial 
lines. 


^*Ibid.,  Feb.  s,  1921. 


192       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

The  interests  of  all  wage  earners  coincide  in  general  but  .  .  . 
organization  means  intelligent  differentiation,  means  orderly 
arrangement  of  parts.  .  .  .  Class  unionism  apart  from  industrial 
unionism  is  a  day  dream  of  idealists  too  impatient  to  link  their 
hopes  with  the  facts. 

Whether  the  O.  B.  U.  should  be  considered  a  type  of 
"class  unionism"  rather  than  of  industrial  unionism  is  a 
moot  point.  As  long  as  the  majority  of  its  local  units  are 
built  on  industrial  lines,  and  as  long  as,  theoretically  at 
least,  there  is  the  possibility  of  connecting  the  different 
units  of  an  industry  by  means  of  district  boards,  it  seems 
advisable  to  the  writer  to  include  this  organization  as  one 
of  the  types  of  industrial  unionism. 

Constitutional  Provisions 

Turning  back  to  the  constitutional  provisions,  we  find 
that  all  units  are  expected  to  refer  disputes  which  they 
cannot  settle  through  their  own  grievance  committees  to 
their  central  labour  councils  or  district  boards,  and  these 
in  turn  refer  them  to  the  General  Executive  Board,  but 
if  any  unit  wishes  to  call  a  strike  without  the  consent  of 
the  General  Executive  it  may  do  so  on  its  own  responsi- 
bility. Whenever  a  strike  in  any  district  or  industry  takes 
place,  no  member  of  the  O.  B.  U.  may  handle  directly  or 
indirectly  any  products  of  the  industry  on  strike.  If  the 
dispute  is  sufficiently  important,  a  referendum  may  be 
taken  on  the  question  of  a  general  strike,  to  be  decided  by 
majority  vote.  Five  members  of  the  General  Executive 
Board  are  elected  from  the  floor  of  the  convention,  and 
one  additional  member  is  elected  by  each  central  labour 
council  or  district  board  which  has  2,000  or  more  enrolled. 
According  to  the  Industrial  Union  News,  one  of  the 
grievances  of  the  Lumber  Workers'  Industrial  Union  was 
that  officials  were  not  elected  by  vote  of  the  entire  member- 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


193 


ship."  The  original  constitution  said  that  the  General 
Executive  Board  should  have  representatives  of  the 
various  industries  included  in  the  organization,  but  it  was 
soon  realized  that  if  all  were  represented  the  board  would 
be  enormous.  The  convention  of  January,  1920,  decided 
to  elect  members  from  the  four  leading  industries — coal 
mines,  metal  mines,  lumber  work,  and  railroad  transporta- 
tion— ^and  also  four  representatives  from  territorial  divi- 
sions. The  following  September  the  direct  representation 
of  industries  was  given  up,  however,  and  only  the  largest 
councils  and  district  boards  allowe^  to  elect  representa- 
tives. The  General  Executive  Board  elects  its  own  chair- 
man and  hires  a  secretary  who  is  not  a  member  of  the 
board.  Any  officer  may  be  recalled  by  a  majority  vote  of 
the  central  labour  council  or  district  board  which  elected 
him.  A  local  unit  also  may  withdraw  the  credentials  of 
one  of  its  members  who  has  become  an  official,  and  if 
sustained  by  the  central  labour  council  or  district  board 
may  insist  on  his  recall.  There  is,  however,  no  provision 
for  the  recall  of  an  officer  who  is  sustained  by  his  own 
council  or  board,  even  though  he  be  very  distasteful  to  the 
rest  of  the  organization.  A  referendum  is  held  on  amend- 
ments to  the  constitution  which  have  been  voted  on  by  the 
convention,  but  there  is  no  opportunity  for  changes  to  be 
initiated  outside  of  the  convention,  as  there  is  in  some 
unions. 


Attempt  to  Prevent  Centralization 

There  has  been  a  real  attempt  to  prevent  centralization 
of  power  in  the  organization.  At  the  convention  held  in 
January,  1920,  the  secretary-treasurer  introduced  a  re- 
solution providing  that  the  per  capita  tax  of  10  cents  a 
month  be  paid  directly  to  the  General  Executive  Board 

^Industrial  Union  News,  Feb.  5,   1921. 


194 


REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


195 


n 


instead  of  through  the  central  councils  and  district  boards, 
but  this  was  voted  down  on  the  ground  that  sometimes  a 
council  or  district  board  might  need  to  keep  all  funds 
which  came  from  the  separate  units  and  not  be  able  to 
pay  any  tax  to  the  central  organization  at  all.    The  news- 
paper correspondent  reporting  the  meeting  said  that  the 
"inveterate  hatred  of  the  per  capita  snatcher"  became  a 
real  menace  to  the  success  of  organizing  plans.'**    In  the 
September  convention  the  secretary-treasurer  again  com- 
plained of  the  method  of  financing  the  organization,  saying 
that  the  councils  and  district  boards  were  using  the  money 
intended  for  the  General  Executive  Board  for  their  own 
purposes,  but  no  change  was  made.     A  hot  discussion 
took  place  in  January,  1920,  over  the  question  of  allowing 
auditors  from  the  General  Executive  Board  to  examine 
the  books  of   the  local   units,   many   objecting   to   such 
"centralization"    of    control.      Dissatisfaction    with    the 
Dominion  Trades  and  Labour  Congress  and  the  A.  F.  of 
L.,  which  they  considered  autocratic  and   machine-con- 
trolled, made  the  delegates  eager  to  secure  a  democratic 
form  of  organization,  even  though  they  failed  to  take 
certain  steps  which  they  might  have  taken  to  put  control 
in  the  hands  of  the  rank  and  file— such  as  election  and 
recall  of  officials  by  vote  of  the  entire  membership.    An 
attempt  to  change  the  phrase  "wage-earner"  to  "member 
of   the  working  class"   in  the  clause   stating  that   only 
wage-earners    might    be    seated    on    the    central    labour 
Councils,  was  defeated  for  fear  that  that  might  be  a  loop- 
hole for  the  entrance  of  professional  men  into  what  they 
wished  to  have  purely  a  proletarian  organization.    In  order 
to   insure   that   no   worker   should   be   kept   out   of   the 
organization  because  of  poverty,  the  initiation  dues  have 
been  set  at  only  $1. 

^•Manitoba  Free  Press,  Jan.  29,  1930. 


Antagonism  with  the  I.  W.  W. 

As  has  already  been  said,  there  is  considerable  antago- 
nism between  the  O.  B.  U.  and  the  I.  W.  W.  An  article 
by  M.  Carlson,  appearing  in  Solidarity,  the  I.  W.  W. 
paper,  on  July  lo,  1920,  stated  that  labor  fakirs  had  gotten 
control  in  the  O.  B.  U.,  and,  seeking  to  further  their  own 
personal  ambition,  had  built  up  a  machine  in  the  organiza- 
tion. Desiring  to  split  up  industrial  union  sentiment  into 
two  camps,  they  had  organized  the  O.  B.  U.  movement  in 
the  United  States  in  opposition  to  the  I.  W.  W.  In  another 
column  in  the  same  issue  the  statement  was  made  that  the 
O.  B.  U.  convention,  held  in  Chicago  in  June,  1920,  was 
only  a  joke.  The  Canadian  officials  had  provided  for  all 
committees  in  advance,  and  the  whole  convention  failed 
utterly  "to  accomplish  anything  toward  building  up  a 
constructive  and  representative  organization  in  this  coun- 
try." According  to  the  Industrial  Union  News,  the  I.  W. 
W.  consider  the  O.  B.  U.  "not  red  but  pale  pink,"  and 
maintain  that  it  is  thus  failing  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
working  class.'^  Due  allowance  must  of  course  be  made, 
however,  for  the  natural  resentment  felt  towards  a  com- 
peting organization  which  had  usurped  a  name  claimed 
by  the  I.  W.  W.  themselves.  The  attitude  of  the  O.  B.  U. 
toward  the  "anarcho-syndicalist"  elements  which  tried  to 
intrude  upon  their  first  convention  in  the  United  States 
has  already  been  mentioned.  The  Workers'  International 
Industrial  Union  is  also  contemptuous  of  the  O.  B.  U., 
claiming  that  it  has  no  higher  aim  than  the  craft  union 
which  seeks  only  job  control  and  the  closed  shop — a 
policy  which  is  not  in  the  interests  of  the  wage-earners 
as  a  whole.  Furthermore  it  is  in  league  with  the  "reac- 
tionary Socialist  party  of  Canada,"  declares  the  Industrial 
Union  News.^^ 


"Industrial  Union  News,  July  24.   19*0. 
**Jbid.,  Oct.  9,  1920. 


i 


196       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Canadian  Government  and  Craft  Union  Opposition 

On  the  other  hand,  the  government  of  Canada  takes 
the  stand  that  O.  B.  U.  is  an  off-shoot  of  Soviet  Russia 
which  is  definitely   trying   to   overthrow   the   state.     A 
pamphlet  issued  by  the  Department  of  Labour  (though 
probably  not  prepared  by  any  of  the  regular  members  of 
the  Department)  in  August,  1920,  attacks  the  O.  B.  U. 
for  its  connection  with  Russia,  giving  as  the  chief  reason 
for  the  charge  the  fact  that  the  organization  had  been 
soliciting  funds  for  the  medical  relief  of  that  country.*' 
This  pamphlet  has  been  ridiculed  in  the  liberal  press  of 
Canada,  which  regards  it  as  an  attempt  to  justify  the  gov- 
ernment's action  in  suppressing  the  O.  B.  U.  movement. 
The  most  prominent  leaders  in  the  organization  have  been 
imprisoned  and  all  possible  means  of  repression  have  been 
used    against   the    movement.      The    international    trade 
unions  affiliated  with  the  Canadian  Trades  and  Labour 
Congress  and  the  A.  F.  of  L.  have  fought  it  vigorously, 
also.      Not    only    have    individuals    been    expelled    and 
charters  of  locals  revoked  for  connecting  themselves  with 
the  O.  B.  U.,  but  a  definite  plan  of  campaign  to  offset 
the  activities  of  the  new  organization  has  been  under- 
taken by  the  Trades  and  Labour  Congress  with  the  co- 
operation   of    many    of    the    international    unions.     The 
strenuous  efforts  taken  to  check  the  spread  of  the  move- 
ment indicate  that  it  was  flourishing  enough  for  a  time 
to  be  considered  a  real  danger — even  though  the  total 
membership  of  the  orthodox  trade  unions  in  Canada  in- 
creased by  nearly  59,000  during  the  year  1919,  while  thf3 
O.  B.  U.  was  enrolling  its  41,000  members.^" 


Cv,7J2*!?L  °rl.  ^^T'"'    Canada     /n/ormah-on   regarding   the   Russicn   Sovie* 
System  and  Its  Propaganda  tn  North  America.  AuRuat,  1920. 

in  C^a,  pf  7^^"'''  C*°*<^*'  9**  Annual  Report  on  Labour  OrganiMotior 


tftfi  ONfi  BIG  UNION 


197 


Relations  with  United  Mine  Workers 

The  United  Mine  Workers  have  carried  on  a  particu- 
larly vigorous  fight  against  the  new  organization.  In  June, 
19 19,  its  officials  revoked  the  charter  of  District  i8,  in- 
cluding Alberta  and  British  Columbia,  which  had 
gone  over  to  the  O.  B.  U.  Due  to  the  efforts  of  the 
International,  a  number  of  locals  soon  returned  to  the 
parent  body,  but  the  insurgents  formed  what  was  known 
as  District  No.  i.  Mining  Department,  O.  B.  U.  The 
employers  in  the  district  then  made  an  agreement  with  the 
U.  M.  W.  providing  that  all  men  working  in  and  around 
the  mines,  who  were  eligible  to  membership,  should  be 
required  to  join  that  body,  and  agree  to  have  membership 
dues  checked  off  from  their  pay.  This  agreement  was 
confirmed  by  the  director  of  coal  operations,  who  issued 
an  order  to  that  effect.  The  O.  B.  U.  members  refused  to 
work  under  such  conditions,  naturally,  and  as  a  result  a 
number  of  mines  were  shut  down.  The  organization  then 
appealed  to  the  courts  against  the  enforcement  of  member- 
ship in  the  U.  M.  W.  and  the  check-off  provision,  but  their 
appeal  was  lost.*^  The  O.  B.  U.  thereupon  issued  a  strike 
order  for  October  i,  which  was  obeyed  in  various  locali- 
ties, and  did  its  best  to  persuade  members  of  the  U.  M.  W. 
to  go  out  also.  The  operators  and  the  U.  M.  W.  then 
joined  in  securing  injunctions  against  members  of  the  O. 
B.  U.,  preventing  them  from  interfering  with  the  miners 
who  wanted  to  work.  According  to  the  O.  B.  U.  Bulletin 
for  October  23,  1920,  thirteen  such  injunctions  were  issued 
on  the  advice  of  the  U.  M.  W.  The  Bulletin  also  declared 
that  the  U.  M.  W.  had  set  apart  a  million  dollars  for 
fighting  its  rival. 

The  opinion  which  the  O.  B.  U.  holds  of  the  U.  M.  W. 


**  Ibid.t  loth  Annual  Report  on  Labour  Organization  in  Canada,  p.  25. 


198        REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

is  expressed  in  the  following  sentence:  "OflFicials  of  the 
U.  M.  W.  of  A.  are  the  same  bunch  of  crooks  who  have 
so  often  betrayed  the  miners  of  the  U.  S.  in  their  strug- 
gles and  strikes  at  the  instance  of  their  government  and  the 
owners."  "  Extreme  resentment  was  felt  against  the  older 
organization  for  invoking  the  aid  of  both  employers  and 
the  "ruthless  capitalist  government"  in  their  struggle  for 
control.  With  such  allies  it  was  inevitable  that  the  U.  M. 
W.  should  win.  It  is  significant  that  at  a  convention  of 
District  i8  held  in  Calgary  in  June,  1921,  the  charter  of 
the  district  as  an  autonomous  part  of  the  U.  M.  W.,  which 
had  been  taken  away  two  years  before,  was  restored. 
This  is  a  good  illustration  of  the  decline  of  the  O.  B.  U. 
in  that  region. 

Decline  in  Membership 

The  various  attacks  upon  the  O.  B.  U.  have  not  failed 
to  have  their  effect  upon  the  whole  organization.  During 
1919,  41,394  membership  cards  were  issued,  and  from 
January  to  August,  1920,  there  were  30,212."  The 
receipts  from  per  capita  tax  during  the  months  from 
January  to  August  indicate  an  average  paid-up  member- 
ship of  only  about  16,000,  however.  The  per  capita  tax 
records  do  not  give  an  accurate  account  of  the  actual 
membership,  for,  as  has  already  been  said,  the  Central 
councils  and  district  boards  were  very  lax  in  turning 
over  to  the  general  office  the  tax  money  which  had  been 
paid  by  the  local  units,  but  they  indicate  something  of  the 
resources  upon  which  the  organization  could  depend.  The 
Department  of  Labour  reports  that  at  the  end  of  1920  a 
fair  estimate  of  the  membership  of  the  O.  B.  U.  would  be 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


199 


"O.  B.  U.  Bulletin.  Dec.  i8,  1920. 

»  Dept.  of  Labour,  Canada,   lotk  Anntial  Report  on  Labour  Organiratisn. 
in  Canada,  p.  31. 


only  5,000,  as  against  41,150  at  the  end  of  1919.^*  Mr. 
R.  A.  Rigg,  of  the  Employment  Service  of  Canada,  who 
has  been  active  in  the  Trades  and  Labour  Congress,  con.- 
siders  that  a  decidedly  generous  estimate.  Of  the  loi 
local  units,  66  had  passed  out  of  existence,  2  were  known 
to  have  left  the  organization,  and  15  new  ones  had  been 
formed,  leaving  a  total  of  50,  according  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  Labour  report.  On  the  other  hand,  the  O.  B.  U. 
Bulletin  for  January  22,  192 1,  boasts  of  a  membership 
of  80,000.  It  admits  the  loss  of  some  coal  miners,  due  to 
the  interference  of  government,  and  also  the  loss  of  certain 
sections  of  lumber  workers,  but  criticizes  the  press  for 
announcing  the  death  of  the  O.  B.  U.  "so  frequently  and  so 
prematurely."  "If  the  O.  B.  U.  was  not  a  live  organiza- 
tion growing  steadily  in  membership,"  it  would  not  be 
necessary  for  the  papers  to  keep  heralding  its  demise.  The 
Department  of  Labour  had  based  its  estimate  partly  on 
the  fact  that  only  3,377  votes  were  cast  in  the  referendum 
held  late  in  1920.  This  vote  the  Bulletin  declares  meant 
nothing  as  many  were  absent  from  the  meetings  where  the 
vote  was  taken,  and  several  units  did  not  vote  at  all. 
The  O.  B.  U.  has  "emerged  from  the  ordeal  [of  per- 
secution] with  redoubled  strength,"  says  the  Bulletin  of 
January  8,  1921,  and  the  many  attacks  upon  the  organiza- 
tion have  only  served  to  alienate  the  rank  and  file  from 
their  loyalty  to  the  old  international  unions.  With  these 
conflicting  statements  it  is  impossible  to  tell  what  the 
actual  membership  of  the  O.  B.  U.  is  at  the  present  time. 
The  claim  of  the  Bulletin  is  undoubtedly  exaggerated ;  but 
on  the  other  hand  the  estimate  of  the  Department  of 
Labour  may  be  too  small.  At  any  rate  it  seems  evident 
that  the  organization  has  not  continued  to  flourish  in  the 
manner  confidently  predicted  by  its  founders. 
»*/Wd.,  p.  36. 


I; 


■ 


200       REVOLUTIONARY  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Comparison  with  the  I.  W.  W. 

The  comparative  failure  of  the  organization  is  no 
doubt  due  largely  to  its  structure.  In  neglecting  to  give 
adequate  recognition  to  the  ties  binding  workers  of  the 
same  industry  together  and  in  seeking  to  rely  instead  on 
the  general  feeling  of  solidarity  in  the  working  class,  the 
O.  B.  U.,  like  the  Knights  of  Labor,  has  failed  to  under- 
stand the  psychology  of  those  it  has  sought  to  win  and 
hold.  If  it  is  difficult  to  make  skilled  and  unskilled 
workers  in  the  same  industry  realize  their  community  of 
interest,  it  is  doubly  difficult  to  make  those  in  different 
industries  feel  a  strong  bond  of  union.  The  I.  W.  W. 
has  faced  this  fact  and,  unlike  the  O.  B.  U.,  seeks  to 
unite  all  who  work  in  an  industry  in  one  international 
union  having  a  large  measure  of  control  over  its  own 
affairs.  Although  it  preaches  the  brotherhood  of  all 
workers  as  ardently  as  does  the  O.  B.  U.,  it  recognizes  that 
each  industry  has  its  own  particular  problems  which  can 
best  be  solved  by  the  workers  in  that  industry,  and  con- 
siders that  loyalty  to  one  industrial  union  need  in  no  way 
impair  loyalty  to  the  I.  W.  W.  or  to  the  working  class 
as  a  whole.  If  the  O.  B.  U.  had  adopted  the  same  course 
it  would  not  have  lost  the  strongest  group  which  had 
affiliated  with  it. 

Although  the  O.  B.  U.  is  committed  to  the  policy  of 
the  general  strike,  its  spirit  is  somewhat  less  militant  than 
that  of  the  I.  W.  W.  It  expects  the  change  in  the  social 
order,  which  will  put  production  for  use  in  place  of  pro- 
duction for  profit,  to  be  brought  about  by  economic 
developments  whether  the  workers  seek  it  or  not,  whereas 
the  I.  W.  W.  definitely  emphasizes  the  need  of  action  in 
order  to  "take  possession  of  the  earth  and  the  instruments 
of  production."  The  O.  B.  U.  condemns  all  use  of 
sabotage  and  violence  to  hasten  the  coming  of  the  new 


THE  ONE  BIG  UNION 


20T 


day,  and  in  so  doing  is  in  harmony  with  the  more  moderate 
wing  in  the  I.  W.  W.  Its  interest  in  politics,  however, 
is  quite  lacking  in  the  I.  W.  W.  Both  organizations  look 
forward  to  the  day  when  the  workers  shall  own  and 
manage  industry,  but  the  structure  of  the  O.  B.  U..  because 
of  its  blurring  of  industrial  lines,  is  less  well  adapted  than 
that  of  the  older  body  for  such  management. 


PART  III 
INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


^ 


M 


•I 


CHAPTER  VII 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  IN  THE  GARMENT 

INDUSTRY 

I.  The  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America 

Importance  of  the  Union 

Besides  the  A.  F.  of  L.  unions  already  mentioned,  and 
the  all-inclusive  organizations  such  as  the  I.  W.  W.  and 
the  O.  B.  U.,  there  are  many  industrial  unions  which  are 
independent  of  affiliation  with  any  of  these  bodies.  Most 
important  of  these  is  the  powerful  union  in  the  men's 
clothing  industry,  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of 
America.  There  are  organizations  with  an  industrial 
structure  in  other  branches  of  the  garment  industry  which 
belong  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  these  will  be  considered 
briefly  in  this  chapter  in  connection  with  the  new  Needle 
Trades  Workers'  Alliance,  in  which  four  of  these  unions 
are  affiliated  with  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers ;  but 
chief  emphasis  will  be  placed  upon  the  latter  organization, 
which  furnishes  perhaps  the  most  interesting  example 
which  we  have  of  the  principles  of  constructive  industrial 
unionism. 

Characteristics  of  the  Garment  Industry 

The  general  characteristics  of  the  garment  industry  are 
such  that  the  problem  of  building  up  a  strong  labor  organi- 
zation within  it  has  been  very  great.  The  system  which 
was  universal  in  former  years  and  which  still  persists  in 
New  York  and  many  of  the  smaller  centers  is  one  of 

205 


i 


ao6  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

"sub-contracting,"  where  the   "manufacturer"   is  chiefly 
engaged  in  the  disposal  of  the  product  and  turns  over  the 
greater  part  of  the  work  of  actual  production  to  con- 
tractors   who    hire    their    own    workers    and    have    sole 
responsibility  for  them.     The  small  amount  of  capital 
necessary  for  starting  a  clothing  shop  results  in  a  large 
number  of  transient  firms.    Any  cutter  who  has  ambition 
may  set  up  a  contracting  business,  rent  a  loft  and  machines, 
buy  materials  on  credit,  and  often  meet  his  expenses  out 
of  the  first  year's  profit.     Hundreds  of  firms  are  thus 
starting — and  failing — every  year.    The  bitter  competition 
among  contractors,  most  of  whom  have  risen  from  the 
ranks  of  the  workers,   and   the  system  of   playing  one 
against  another,  tend  to  lower  the  price  paid  by  the  manu- 
facturer for  work  done,  and  hence  the  wages  which  the 
contractor  can  pay  the  workers.    The  evils  of  sweating — 
the  extremely  low  wages,  long  hours,  and  unsanitary  con- 
ditions— resulting  from  this  system  are  too  well  known 
to  need  extended  comment.     The  seasonal  nature  of  the 
industry  is  intensified  by  the  fact  that  so  little  capital  is 
laid  up  in  a  plant  that  it  costs  little  to  keep  it  idle,  and 
hence  there  is  small  incentive  for  the  manufacturer  to  try 
and  regulate  his  work  so  as  to  prevent  the  long  periods  of 
unemployment    which    are    characteristic    of    the    trade. 
Attempts  to  organize  the  workers  in  the  industry  were 
greatly  hindered  by  the  fact  that  when  a  strike  occurred  in 
one  shop,  the  manufacturer  could  easily  transfer  his  work 
to  that  of  another  contractor,  or  the  contractor  could  re- 
organize with  a  new  set  of  workers  a  few  blocks  away. 
The  shifting  personnel  resulting  from  the  frequent  shut- 
ting down  of  shops,  the  small  amount  of  skill  required  for 
much  of  the  work,  and  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of 
women  in  the  industry,  have  also  made  the  work  of  build- 
ing up  an  effective  union  in  the  industry  very  difficult. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


207 


Origin  of  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers 

After  various  unsuccessful  attempts  to  form  a  stable 
union,  the  United  Garment  Workers  was  organized  in  the 
men's  clothing  industry  in  1891,  and  immediately  affiliated 
with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  As  the  differences  in  skill  required 
for  the  various  processes  were  decreasing,  the  industrial 
form  of  organization  seemed  more  natural  than  the  craft 
form,  so  the  new  union  was  theoretically  formed  on  an 
industrial  basis,  being  open  to  all  who  worked  upon  men's 
clothing.  The  craft  spirit  of  the  skilled  workers  was 
emphasized,  however,  and  little  attempt  was  made  to  bring 
in  the  less  skilled  workers  or  to  form  a  truly  democratic 
organization.  At  the  beginning  various  Socialist  reso- 
lutions were  passed  by  the  United  Garment  Workers, 
but  before  long  its  officers  with  the  support  of  a  con- 
servative element  in  the  organization  began  a  fight  against 
all  radical  tendencies,  and  the  union  has  maintained  a  con- 
servative attitude  ever  since.  The  power  of  its  officials 
was  increased  by  their  control  of  the  union  label,  which 
their  opponents  claimed  they  used  for  their  own  in- 
terests rather  than  for  the  welfare  of  the  rank  and  file. 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  autocratic  methods  of  these 
officials,  and  their  apparent  indifference  to  the  desires  of 
the  membership,  caused  increasing  restlessness  which  came 
to  a  head  at  the  convention  of  1914.  At  this  convention 
many  delegates  from  the  large  cities  were  excluded  on  the 
charge  that  their  locals  had  not  paid  bills  which  had  been 
sent  them  by  the  central  organization.  These  delegates 
and  their  supporters  declared  that  these  bills  were  unjust, 
and  that  they  had  been  sent  at  the  last  moment  simply  as 
a  pretext  for  disfranchising  the  locals  which  were  op- 
posed to  the  existing  administration.  The  appointment  of 
Nashville,  which  was  far  removed  from  the  large  clothing 
centers,  as  the  convention  city  they  considered  as  another 


t 

-•I. 


2o8  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

attempt  to  prevent  dissatisfied  delegates  from  those  centers 
from  attending.     As  a  result  of  the  action  taken  by  the 
officials  of  the  United  Garment  Workers,  no  delegates 
representing  54  locals  withdrew  and  held  an  insurgent  con- 
vention of  their  own,  claiming  to  represent  a  majority  of 
the  membership  and  hence  to  be  the  true  U.  G.  W.    Sidney 
Hillman  was  elected  president,  and  Joseph  Schlossberg 
secretary-treasurer.    Delegates  were  sent  to  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  convention  to  present  the  case  of  the  insurgents,  but 
were  refused  a  hearing  on  the  ground  that  their  newly 
elected  officials  were  unknown  to  that  body  and  that  it  was 
an  established  principle  with  the  Federation  never  to  re- 
cognize seceders.     Since  that  time  the  A.  F.  of  L.  has 
fought  the  new  body  of  garment  workers  bitterly,  although 
the  other  needle  unions  have  done  their  best  to  end  the 
quarrel.     In  December,  1914,  the  insurgents  decided  to 
form  a  new  organization  under  the  name  of  the  Amalga- 
mated Clothing  Workers  of  America,  with  a  new  demo- 
cratic constitution.     The  United  Garment  Workers  was 
left  with  few  members  except  the  makers  of  overalls,  who 
were  mostly  in  small  locals  in  scattered  towns.    It  has  a 
few  locals  among  shirt  and  raincoat  makers  and  custom 
tailors,  but  has  actual  control  only  in  the  overall  trade.    Its 
membership  in  1921  was  only  47,200. 

Rapid  Growth  in  Power 

The  A.  C.  W.,  on  the  other  hand,  has  grown  by  leaps 
and  bounds.  Whereas  the  United  Garment  Workers  had 
made  little  eflFort  to  organize  any  but  the  skilled  cutters  in 
the  men's  clothing  industry,  the  new  union  from  the  begin- 
ning sought  to  include  everyone  engaged  in  making  gar- 
ments for  men  and  boys.  In  spite  of  the  bitter  opposition 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  has  attacked  it  at  every  opportu- 
nity, and  done  its  best  to  break  its  strikes  and  prevent  its 
making  agreements  with  employers,  the  A.  C.  W.  has 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


209 


attained  a  100  per  cent  organization  in  several  of  the  large 
clothing  centers,  and  claims  to  include  over  95  per  cent  of 
all  the  workers  in  its  field.^  Its  membership  in  1920  was 
177,000,  distributed  in  145  locals  in  40  different  cities.^ 
A  vigorous  campaign  against  the  long  hours  and  extremely 
low  wages  which  had  always  been  characteristic  of  the 
industry  was  instituted  as  soon  as  the  union  was  formed, 
and  by  the  end  of  1919,  after  a  series  of  hard  struggles, 
the  hours  of  the  clothing  workers  had  been  decreased  to 
forty- four  a  week  throughout  all  the  important  clothing 
centers,  and  their  wages  increased  by  a  higher  percentage 
than  those  of  almost  all  other  occupations.^  Before  the 
advent  of  the  A.  C.  W.  many  women  in  the  industry  re- 
ceived only  $5  a  week  and  many  men  less  than  $10,  while 
only  1 5  per  cent  earned  over  $20  a  week.  Five  years  later, 
more  than  85  per  cent  of  the  workers  earned  over  $20,  and 
many  as  much  as  $50  a  week.*  An  instance  of  their  im- 
proved financial  condition  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
A.  C.  W.  sent  a  check  for  $100,000  to  help  the  striking 
steel  workers  in  19 19.  According  to  Secretary  Schloss- 
berg, this  was  "the  greatest  single  financial  contribution  to 
the  class  struggle  of  all  times  and  in  any  part  of  the 
world,"  and  a  remarkable  instance  of  labor  solidarity  con- 
sidering the  fact  that  the  strike  was  under  the  auspices 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  which  had  always  fought  the  A.  C.  W. 
so  vigorously.' 

Reasons  for  Rapid  Success 

Many  reasons  have  been  given  for  the  rapid  success  of 
the  organization.    When  asked  how  the  clothing  workers 


^.  \?^**fr5*'   *"<*    Publication    Dept.    of   the   A.    C.    W.,    Summary   of   the 
Clothtng  Workers'  Lockout  Situation,  Dec.    17,   1920. 

*  Report  of  the  Executive  Board  of  the  A.  C.  W..  1920,  p.   174. 

*  Ibid.,  Appendix,  p.  34. 

*  Ibid.,  Appendix,  p.  28. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  221. 
14 


H    L 


210 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


THE  GAI^MENT  INDUSTRY 


211 


had  accomplished  so  much  in  such  a  short  time,  Schloss- 
berg  rephed:    "It  was  through  our  ideahsm.     We  had 
nothmg  but  that  to  offer  the  people  in  the  beginning  "  • 
The  ideal  which  the  union  held  before  the  workers  was 
one  of  a  cooperative  society  in  which  production  should  be 
carried  on  for  the  service  of  the  whole  community  rather 
than  for  the  profit  of  a  few.    Ultimate  emancipation  from 
the  capitalist  system,   the  evils  of   which  were  all  too 
apparent  in  the  clothing  trade,  and  workers'  control  of 
industry  were  what  the  new  organization  promised.    This 
hope  for  the  future  combined  with  democratic  manage- 
ment of  the  union  in  the  present,  undoubtedly  had  much 
to  do  with  the  growth  of  the  new  body.    The  union  was 
fortunate  m  the  leaders  whom  it  chose  when  it  first  broke 
away  from  the  United  Garment  Workers  and  whom  it  has 
retained  ever  since,  and  their  broad  statesmanship  and  high 
Idealism,  reinforced  by  the  intelligent  cooperation  of  the 
rank  and  file,  have  done  a  great  deal  to  make  the  organiza- 
tion what  it  is.     On  the  other  hand,  there  were  certain 
^eternal  factors  which  were  perhaps  equally  important  in 
the  upbuilding  of  the  union.    The  stoppage  of  immigration 
during  the  war  and  the  general  labor  shortage  made  con- 
trol of  the  labor  supply  much  easier  than  it  otherwise 
would  have  been,  and  the  government  policy  of  dealing 
with  trade  unions  served  to  stimulate  the  organization 
movement  among  the  clothing  workers  as  well  as  among 
many  others.  ^ 

Philosophy  of  the  Union 

The  A.  C.  W.,  as  has  been  said,  holds  that  the  old 
form  of  unionism  which  is  content  merely  to  wring  a  few 
concessions  from  the  employing  class  without  seeking  any 

^J^^otion.  May  .^^   t^ao.  "The  A.   C.  W.   in  Session."  by  Mary  Heatoa 


radical  change  in  the  control  of  industry  is  wholly  in- 
adequate, and  declares  that  the  workers  must  organize 
in  such  a  way  as  to  gain  control  of  the  system  of  pro- 
duction and  use  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  working  class  and 
of  society  as  a  whole.  The  preamble  which  the  organiza- 
tion has  adopted  reads  as  follows : 

The  economic  organization  of  Labor  has  been  called  into  exis- 
tence by  the  capitalist  system  of  production,  under  which  the 
division  between  the  ruling  class  and  the  ruled  class  is  based  upon 
the  ownership  of  the  means  of  production.  The  class  owning  those 
means  is  the  one  that  is  ruling,  the  class  that  possesses  nothing 
but  its  labor  power,  which  is  always  on  the  market  as  a  commodity, 
is  the  one  that  is  being  ruled. 

A  constant  and  unceasing  struggle  is  being  waged  between  these 
two  classes. 

In  this  struggle  the  economic  organization  of  Labor,  the  union, 
is  a  natural  weapon  of  offense  and  defense  in  the  hands  of  the 
working  class. 

But  in  order  to  be  efficient,  and  effectively  serve  its  purpose,  the 
union  must  in  its  structure  correspond  to  the  prevailing  system  of 
the  organization  of  industry. 

Modern  industrial  methods  are  very  rapidly  wiping  out  the 
old  craft  demarcations,  and  the  resultant  conditions  dictate  the 
organization  of  Labor  along  industrial  lines. 

This  history  of  the  Class  Struggle  in  this  country  for  the  past 
two  decades  amply  testifies  to  the  ineffectiveness  of  the  form, 
methods  and  spirit  of  craft  unionism.  It  also  shows  how  dearly 
the  working  class  has  paid  for  its  failure  to  keep  apace  with 
industrial  development. 

The  working  class  must  accept  the  principles  of  Industrial 
Unionism  or  it  is  doomed  to  impotence. 

The  same  forces  that  have  been  making  for  Industrial  Unionism 
are  likewise  making  for  a  closer  inter-industrial  alliance  of  the 
working  class. 

The  industrial  and  inter-industrial  organization,  built  upon  the 
solid  rock  of  clear  knowledge  and  class  consciousness,  will  put 
the  organized  working  class  in  actual  control  of  the  system  of 
production,  and  the  working  class  will  then  be  ready  to  take 
possession  of  it. 


313 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


The  theory  of  the  class  struggle  and  of  irresistible 
forces  making  for  an  industrial  and  inter-industrial  organi- 
zation of  the  workers  which  will  ultimately  take  over  the 
control  of  industry,  are  here  clearly  set  forth,  but  the 
uncompromising  militancy  of  the  I.  W.  W.  preamble  is 
lacking.  The  preamble  of  the  A.  C.  W.  has  been  made  an 
excuse  for  many  attacks  upon  the  organization  as  a 
Bolshevist  institution  by  hostile  employers  and  by  the 
radical-hunting  Lusk  Committee,  but  officials  of  the  union 
interpret  it  as  implying  no  intention  of  taking  over  in- 
dustry by  force  or  any  other  unlawful  means.  The  cloth- 
ing workers  hope  ultimately  to  be  able  to  manufacture 
clothing  on  a  cooperative  basis,  and  to  be  free  to  direct 
their  own  work,  but  they  have  no  immediate  purpose  of 
overturning  the  existing  industrial  order.^  The  real  radi- 
calism of  the  union,  Secretary  Schlossberg  declares,  lies 
not  in  its  preamble  or  in  any  other  such  statement  of 
principles,  but  in  the  steady  work  which  it  is  doing  in 
establishing  industrial  democracy  in  center  after  center  of 
the  clothing  industry,  and  in  training  the  workers  for 
industrial  responsibility  in  the  future. 

The  Socialistic  outlook  of  the  A.  C.  W.  is  due  partly 
to  the  presence  of  many  Russian  Jews  who  came  to  this 
country  with  radical  ideas,  which  were  fostered  by  con- 
tact with  Socialists  here.  Multitudes  of  the  Jews  who 
belong  to  the  union  came  to  America  embued  with  the 
spirit  of  competitive  individualism  rather  than  of  Social- 
ism, however,  and  became  radical  merely  through  the 
pressure  of  the  economic  and  social  conditions  which  they 
found  here.  The  other  national  groups  in  the  industry — 
the  Italians,  Poles,  Slovenians,  Finns,  Lithuanians,  etc. — 
in  spite  of  their  varying  traditions  have  accepted  the  same 


^  New  York  Call,  Tan.  lo,  1921,  "Hillman  Smashes  Lies  with  Real  A.  C 
W.  Story." 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


213 


ideas  when  subjected  to  the  same  industrial  conditions,  so 
the  philosophy  of  the  clothing  workers  cannot  be  attributed 
to  their  race  as  much  as  to  the  characteristics  of  their 
industry.®    According  to  Budish  and  Soule : 

The  large  number  of  small  and  transitory  firms,  the  keen  com- 
petition among  them  on  the  one  hand  and  among  the  workers  on 
the  other,  and  the  highly-seasonal  character  of  the  industry,  made 
all  conditions  so  unstable  and  fluctuating  that  it  seemed  impossible 
for  most  of  the  workers  to  hope  for  material  improvement  without 
abolishing  the  capitalist  regime.' 

Only  the  common  aspiration  for  a  new  social  order  could 
have  held  them  together  and  built  up  an  organization 
powerful  enough  to  secure  the  immediate  material  im- 
provements that  had  before  seemed  so  hopeless. 

Spirit  of  Citizenship 

The  cry  of  un-Americanism  is  occasionally  raised 
against  the  union  because  of  its  large  percentage  of 
foreign-born— although  at  least  three-quarters  of  the 
members  are  American  citizens,  according  to  President 
Hillman — and  because  of  its  radical  theories.  This  cry 
is  particularly  resented  by  the  clothing  workers,  who  ask 
if  they  were  more  truly  American  when  they  were  unable 
to  take  proper  care  of  their  children  and  had  to  send  them 
to  a  factory  to  grow  up  in  ignorance,  than  today  "when 
we  are  helping  to  make  Young  America  fit  to  govern  this 
country  in  the  next  generation"  by  sending  them  to  school 
properly  cared  for.^°  There  is  a  real  spirit  of  citizenship 
within  the  organization,  and  a  firm  belief,  based  on  practi- 
cal experience,  that  the  immigrant  can  become  as  good  an 
American  as  any  other. 

•  Budish  and  Soule,  The  New  Unionism,  p.  65. 

*  Budish  and  Soule,  op.  cit.,  p.  164. 

^•Introduction  to   the   Documentary  History  of  the  A.    C.    W.,    1914-16, 
Appendix,  p.  za. 


iSil 


ri 


n 


if 


214         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Types  of  Workers  in  the  Union 

The  A.  C.  W.  aims  to  include  all  those  who  make 
clothing  for  men  and  boys,  regardless  of  skill,  but  it  does 
not  try  to  take  in  all  the  various  engineers,  firemen,  me- 
chanics, clerks,  and  teamdrivers  employed  in  and  around 
the  clothing  factories  and  shops.  A  resolution  introduced 
at  its  first  convention  in  December,  1914,  providing  for  the 
inclusion  of  such  workers  was  voted  down  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  entail  needless  jurisdictional  disputes.  Since 
then  the  union  has  begun  to  organize  teamsters  and  ship- 
ping clerks  connected  with  the  industry  to  some  extent, 
but  for  the  most  part  the  members  of  the  organization  are 
those  actually  engaged  in  making  garments.  A  fully 
developed  industrial  union  would  include  not  only  all  the 
workers  in  the  men's  and  boys'  garment  industry,  but  also 
those  in  the  ladies'  garment  trade  and  the  other  needle 
trades.  A  step  in  that  direction  was  taken  in  December, 
1920,  when  a  federation  of  the  different  needle  unions  was 
formed.  This  federation  will  be  described  later  in  the 
chapter. 

Structure  of  the  Union 

No  barriers  to  membership  in  the  form  of  high  initia- 
tion fees  are  raised  in  the  A.  C.  W.,  as  the  fee  must  be  less 
than  $10,  and  some  locals  admit  members  for  considerably 
less  than  that.  The  composition  of  the  locals  varies.  As 
a  rule  they  are  made  up  of  workers  of  a  single  craft— cut- 
ters, pressers,  tailors,  etc.  Sometimes,  however,  they  in- 
clude all  workers  of  a  certain  nationality  in  the  district 
regardless  of  craft ;  and  in  some  of  the  smaller  towns  or 
distinct  sections  of  large  cities  the  tendency  is  to  make 
them  include  all  garment  workers  in  the  locality.  The 
locals  are  merely  subdivisions  for  administrative  purposes, 
however,  and  the  real  power  over  strikes  and  agreements 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


21S 


rests  with  the  joint  boards  which  are  made  up  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  different  locals  of  a  city  or  trade  unit. 
The  joint  board  carries  on  negotiations  with  the  employers 
in  regard  to  grievances  arising  under  existing  agreements, 
draws  up  and  presents  new  demands,  though  usually  with 
the  advice  of  the  general  office,  and  decides  upon  the 
calling  of  strikes.  In  case  of  a  general  strike  of  the 
trade,  however,  the  sanction  of  the  General  Executive 
Board  is  necessary.  Each  joint  board  has  a  general 
manager  who  conducts  routine  business,  endeavors  to 
settle  disputes  between  workers,  etc.;  trade  managers  to 
look  after  the  interests  of  the  different  portions  of  the 
trade;  and  numerous  business  agents  to  deal  with  indi- 
vidual employers. 

The  shop  is  the  smallest  unit  in  the  organization.  Each 
shop  has  an  unpaid  chairman  elected  by  all  the  workers  in 
it,  irrespective  of  craft,  and  a  shop  committee  which 
assists  him.  In  very  big  shops,  separate  crafts  may  have 
sub-chairmen  of  their  own  who  serve  on  the  shop  com- 
mittee. This  committee  settles  disputes  in  the  shop,  if 
possible,  but  the  members  have  the  right  of  appeal  to  the 
executive  board  of  the  local  and  through  it  to  the  joint 
board.  The  shop  chairmen  serve  as  channels  of  informa- 
tion between  the  joint  board  and  the  rank  and  file,  and 
perform  an  invaluable  service  in  stirring  up  sentiment 
in  favor  of  projects  inaugurated  by  the  joint  board,  and 
in  interpreting  the  wishes  of  the  membership  to  the  central 
organizations.  Coming  constantly  in  close  touch  with  the 
workers,  they  do  much  to  make  the  union  a  truly 
democratic  and  wide-awake  body. 

Democratic  Spirit 

The  organization  prides  itself  on  its  democratic  spirit 
and  the  extent  to  which  the  rank  and  file  of  the  member- 


\i 


216  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

ship  controls  its  policy  and  feels  responsible  for  its  suc- 
cess.   In  this  respect  it  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the  older 
type  of  union  in  which  the  members  are  for  the  most  part 
content  to  let  their  officials  formulate  policies  as  long  as 
they  produce  results.     The  main  difference  between  the 
old  and  the  new  unionism,  according  to  Budish  and  Soule, 
lies  not  in  their  structure  but  in  their  philosophy  and 
attitude."     The  methods  of  electing  officers  are  not  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  many  other  unions,  but  there  is  a 
difference  in  the  attitude  of  the  rank  and  file  toward  the 
leaders,  and  of  the  leaders  toward  the  rank  and  file. 
Without  the  alert  and  intelligent  interest  of  the  members 
and  their  conviction  that  the  officials  exist  only  to  carry  out 
their  will,  the  union  would  be  very  different  from  what  it 
is.    The  power  of  Sidney  Hillman  and  Joseph  Schlossberg 
is  more  a  "spiritual  guidance"  than  it  is  authoritative 
control.     Quickly  responsive  to  the  currents  of  feeling 
within  their  organization,  and  encouraging  the  frankest 
kind   of   discussion   of   their   actions,   they   nevertheless 
through  the  force  of  their  own  personalities  have  an  in- 
fluence over  the  minds  of  their  members  that  cannot  be 
measured.     In  fact  this  influence  is  so  great  that  the 
I.  W.  W.  criticize  the  clothing  workers  for  being  wholly 
under  their  domination,  and  deplore  the  overwhelming 
defeat  of  a  resolution  forbidding  any  officer  to  serve  for 
more  than  six  consecutive  years  which  was  introduced  at 
the  1920  convention  of  the  A.  C.  W."    The  nomination 
of   Hillman   for  president   at  this  convention  was  en- 
thusiastically unanimous,  although  there  had  just  been 
sharp  and  almost  acrimonious  debate  over  a  proposition 
which  he  vigorously  supported,  and  many  criticisms  of 
his  point  of  view. 

"  Budish  and  Soule,  op.  cit.,  p.  171. 
"Solidarity.  June  5,  1920. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


217 


n 


The  general  officers  are  elected  by  referendum  vote, 
after  being  nominated  by  the  convention.  All  other  vital 
questions  are  submitted  also  to  a  referendum  of  the  general 
membership,  after  consideration  by  the  convention  or  by 
the  General  Executive  Board.  Another  method  of  finding 
out  the  will  of  the  rank  and  file  is  by  mass  meetings 
arranged  simultaneously  in  different  places  to  consider 
important  issues  before  the  organization  or  a  portion  of  it. 
By  these  meetings  practically  the  entire  membership  can  be 
reached  at  once  and  given  an  opportunity  for  discussion. 
They  probably  do  more  than  anything  else  to  keep  the 
rank  and  file  alert  and  intelligent  about  the  affairs  of  the 
union. 

Joint  Agreements 

Unlike  the  I.  W.  W.,  the  A.  C.  W.  believes  strongly  in 
the  value  of  collective  agreements  with  employers  and  has 
developed  most  interesting  and  elaborate  machinery  for  the 
peaceful  settlement  of  difficulties  which  may  arise.  The 
first  agreement  of  the  sort  in  the  men's  clothing  industry 
was  worked  out  in  the  shops  of  Hart,  Schaffner  and  Marx 
in  Chicago  in  191 1,  three  years  before  the  forming  of 
the  A.  C.  W.,  and  this  agreement  with  certain  modifica- 
tions has  formed  the  basis  of  the  numerous  ones  that  have 
been  drawn  up  by  the  A.  C.  W.  Both  Hillman  and 
Schlossberg  worked  under  the  original  Hart,  Schaffner 
and  Marx  agreement  and  were  anxious  to  develop  the 
same  system  elsewhere.  The  essential  feature  of  the 
agreements  which  have  now  been  established  in  all 
the  big  clothing  markets  of  America— New  York,  Chicago, 
Rochester,  Baltimore,  Boston,  Cleveland,  Montreal,  and 
Toronto — ^are  similar,  though  there  are  some  variations. 
They  provide  for  a  trade  board  composed  of  an  equal 
number  of  representatives  of  the  union  and  of  the  associa- 


^ 


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1« 


IS 


I 


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INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


cha  rman     whose  salary  ,s  paid  jointly  by  the  two  sides. 

iLhl  .  ""^.t  ™^"  °'  °'^^'  ""^'«"  representative  is 
unable  to  settle  a  grievance  arising  under  the  agreement  by 
consultation  with  the  shop  superintendent  or  labor  mana^ 
ger  employed  by  a  firm  (or  group  of  firms),  the  joint 
board  o  the  union  and  the  board  of  labor  managers  ^ret 
ent  the  two  sides  of  the  case  to  the  trade  board  for  its  de- 
cision.   The  impartial  chairman  acts  as  a  mediator  between 

In  some  centers  there  is  also  an  arbitration  board  com- 

chairman,  to  which  the  case  may  be  referred  if  necessary. 
The  chairman  seldom  makes  the  final  decision  himself 

limited  in  his  decision  by  the  terms  of  the  original  agree- 
ment, however,  and  cannot  make  rulings  which  involve 
a  radical  departure  from  the  standards  already  established. 
The  arbitration  board  is  expected  to  deal  with  questions  of 
principle  and  the  application  of  the  agreement  to   new 
issues  as  they  arise,  and  may  make  changes  in  wages  or 
hours  If  there  is  a  decided  change  in  conditions  in  the 
industry.     This   arrangement   provides    for   considerable 
flexibi  ity  and  makes  a  break  between  the  two  sides  less 
likely  than  a  rigid  system  which  takes  no  heed  of  changing 
conditions.     Radicals  of  the  I.  W.  W.  type  criticize  the 
union  for  its  ix)licy  of  making  contracts  with  employers, 
but  the  kind  of  contract  which  it  makes  is  free  from  the 
usual  objections  that  are  brought  against  time  agreements 
as  wages  and  other  conditions  may  be  changed  under  it  ai 
?"f  r^'  f  "^  ^"^  ^'°"P  ^^  ^^^k^^s  is  never  forced  by 
It  to    scab    against  another  group  which  is  on  strike.    In 
markets  where  piece-work  prevails,  a  joint  rate  committee 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


219 


is  appointed  to  fix  the  rates  of  payment.  The  trade  board 
or  the  impartial  chairman  may  review  all  cases  of  dis- 
charge, and  reinstate  the  dismissed  employee  if  injustice 
seems  to  have  been  done. 

Some  agreements  provide  for  the  closed  shop  and 
others  for  the  preferential  shop,  in  which  preference  must 
be  given  to  members  of  the  union  when  additional  workers 
are  needed  or  when  the  working  force  must  be  reduced. 
It  is  understood  that  the  door  of  the  union  shall  be  kept 
open  for  the  reception  of  all  workers  who  seek  admission, 
and  if  unreasonable  barriers  are  raised  the  joint  tribunal 
has  power  to  remedy  the  matter.  In  some  cases  a  definite 
time  limit  is  set  for  the  life  of  the  agreement;  in  others 
it  runs  on  indefinitely,  though  either  side  may  withdraw 
after  due  notice.  "Stoppages"  of  work  are  forbidden — 
though  sometimes  they  occur  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the 
union  to  prevent  them.  In  such  cases  those  guilty  are 
reported  to  the  trade  board  for  discipline.  In  New  York 
the  union  has  endeavored  to  bring  about  some  regulation 
of  the  contract  system  which  has  made  conditions  especially 
chaotic  in  that  city,  and  has  insisted  that  the  manufacturer 
make  fair  terms  with  the  contractors  and  then  stand  by 
them,  instead  of  fostering  cut-throat  competition  between 
them  by  shifting  constantly  from  one  to  another.  The 
present  New  York  agreement  provides  for  a  joint  com- 
mission to  work  out  the  relations  between  the  union,  the 
manufacturers,  and  the  contractors. 

The  Spirit  of  the  Agreements 

The  spirit  in  which  the  agreements  have  been  made  is 
well  expressed  by  the  following  paragraph  in  the  preamble 
to  the  Hart,  Schaffner  and  Marx  agreement  of  1916: 

The  parties  to  this  pact  realize  that  the  interests  sought  to  be 
reconciled  herein  will  tend  to  pull  apart,  but  they  enter  it  in 


ii 


220  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

faith  that  by  the  exercise  of  the  cooperative  and  constructive  spirit 
It  will  be  possible  to  bring  and  keep  them  together.  This  will 
involve  as  an  indispensable  prerequisite  the  total  suppression  of  the 
militant  spirit  by  both  parties  and  the  development  of  reason 
mstead  of  force  as  the  rule  of  action. 

Although  endorsing  the  theory  of  the  class  struggle,  the 
union  does  not  interpret  it  as  an  "everyday  petty  fight  in 
the  shop,"  to  use  the  words  of  Sidney  Hillman  in  replying 
to  a  radical  critic  at  the  last  convention.  By  eliminating 
minor  sources  of  friction  the  strength  of  the  union  is 
conserved  for  larger  issues,  and  it  is  enabled  to  blaze  out 
new  trails  in  the  direction  of  workers'  control  of  industry. 
We  have  the  "double  mission  of  securing  for  ourselves 
democracy  in  industry  while  keeping  the  wheels  of  industry 
in  uninterrupted  motion,"  says  the  report  of  the  Executive 
Board  for  1920." 

Present  relations  are  not  final.  There  will  be  further  changes 
until  the  workers'  hope  of  emancipation  from  the  wage  status  is 
realized.  Those  changes  may  be  opposed  and  forced  into  undesira- 
ble channels,  or  they  may  be  allowed  to  flow  naturally  and  freely 
along  the  path  of  peace,  but  they  cannot  be  checked.  Nor  can  they 
be  prematurely  forced  into  ripeness.  The  guiding  of  this  develop- 
ment along  the  road  of  modem  civilization  is  the  immediate 
task  of  the  industrial  organization  of  the  workers. 

The  A.  C.  W.  has  accomplished  in  the  few  years  of 
its  existence  more  in  the  way  of  civilizing  industry  and 
abolishing  the  "law  of  the  jungle"  in  settling  disputes  than 
any  other  union  in  the  country,  perhaps,  and  it  is  recog- 
nized as  the  sole  check  which  has  yet  been  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  anarchic  conditions  resulting  from  the  fierce  com- 
petition between  contractors  in  the  New  York  market. 
During  the  war,  when  employers  were  bidding  against  each 
Q^^^r  to  secure  labor  and  oflfering  wages  far  above  those 

^Report  of  the  Executive  Board  of  the  A.  C.  W.,  1920,  p.  224. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


221 


which  their  agreements  called  for,  the  union  forbade  its 
members  to  accept  payment  which  was  higher  than  that 
provided  for  in  their  agreements,  and  actually  forced  some 
members  to  return  to  jobs  paying  $5  and  $10  a  week  less 
than  other  employers  had  oflFered  them."  The  union's 
effort  to  stabilize  the  industry  by  preventing  shifting  from 
one  job  to  another  for  the  sake  of  higher  pay  was  not 
wholly  successful,  due  largely  to  the  lack  of  cooperation 
on  the  part  of  employers ;  but  it  is  significant  that  it  was 
the  union  which  stood  for  order  in  industry  while  multi- 
tudes of  employers  were  fostering  chaotic  conditions  by 
their  disregard  of  agreements. 

Attitude  of  Employers 

The  first  step  toward  joint  control  of  the  industry  on 
a  national  scale  was  made  when  the  National  Industrial 
Federation  of  Clothing  Manufacturers  was  formed  in 
July,  1919,  by  employers'  associations  in  New  York, 
Chicago,  Baltimore,  and  Rochester,  in  order  to  negotiate 
uniform  agreements  with  the  A.  C.  W.  The  following 
September  a  joint  council  was  formed  by  representatives 
of  the  Federation  and  the  Amalgamated  in  order  to  work 
out  standards  for  the  industry  and  establish  widespread 
collective  bargaining.  Up  to  this  time  the  council  has  not 
been  particularly  active,  but  there  are  great  possibilities 
in  it  for  industrial  democracy  on  a  large  scale.  Much 
testimony  has  come  from  employers  in  Chicago,  Rochester, 
Baltimore,  and  other  centers  as  to  the  success  and  value  of 
the  contracts  which  they  have  made  with  the  Amalgamated. 

The  growing  power  of  the  union  has  roused  consterna- 
tion in  the  minds  of  some  manufacturers,  however,  and 
during  the  last  two  or  three  years  there  have  been  several 
attempts  to  smash  the  organization.    One  of  these  was  at 

••Report  of  Impartial  Chairman,  Dr.  Leiserson,  Advance,  Jan.  a8,   1921, 


ii 

111 


222 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Rochester,  where  Michaels,  Stern  and  Company,  one  of 
the  important  clothing  firms,  refused  to  join  in  the  agree- 
ment with  the  A.  C.  W.  that  nineteen  other  employers  had 
made,  and  precipitated  a  strike  by  discharging  members 
of  the  union.    A  campaign  against  the  Amalgamated  as 
a  Bolshevist  organization  was  at  once  started  in  the  public 
press,  and  in   September,    1919,   a  sweeping  injunction 
against  the  strikers  forbidding  even  peaceful  picketing 
and  paying  of  strike  benefits  was  secured.    This  injunc- 
tion was  later  made  permanent,  and  damages  amounting 
to  $100,000  were  assessed  upon  the  union,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  trying  to  establish  a  monopoly  of  labor  and 
coerce  others  by  the  mere  force  of  its  numbers.     This 
verdict  was  immediately  appealed.     Meanwhile  the  col- 
lective agreement  with  the  other  Rochester  firms  has  been 
working  smoothly  and  successfully.    One  of  the  incidents 
of  this  strike  was  that  Michaels.    Stern  and  Company  em- 
ployed members  of  the  United  Garment  Workers  as  strike- 
breakers and  even  entered  into  an  agreement  with  that 
body,  though  it  had  always  fought  it  bitterly  before.     In 
this  instance,  as  in  many  others,  the  A.  F.  of  L.  clothing 
union  joined  the  employer  in  attacking  the  Amalgamated. 
In  Boston  the  Clothiers'  Association  broke  oflF  relations 
with  the  union  in  December,  1920,  and  tried  its  best  to 
split  off  the  cutters  and  trimmers  from  the  other  workers 
by  promising  them  good  wages  if  they  would  leave  such  an 
un-American   organization   as   the   Amalgamated.     This 
the  cutters  and  trimmers  indignantly  refused  to  do,  and 
the  manufacturers  eventually  surrendered. 

Recent  Conflict  in  New  York 

The  details  of  most  of  these  struggles  cannot  be  given 
here,  but  the  one  in  New  York  was  so  important  that  it 
must  be  given  particular  attention.    It  began  in  the  fall 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


223 


of  1920,  when  the  Manufacturers*  Association  sent  an 
ultimatum  to  the  union  saying  that  unless  it  agreed  to 
seven  demands,  chief  of  which  were  the  adoption  of 
piece-work  instead  of  the  week-work  which  had  prevailed 
in  the  market  for  many  years,  reduction  of  wages,  and  the 
right  of  employers  to  discharge  any  worker  falling  below 
a  standard  of  production  set  by  the  employers,  the  Asso- 
ciation would  disregard  the  union  and  put  its  own  pro- 
gram into  eflFect.  The  union  had  already  urged  that  a 
joint  investigation  be  made  of  the  decreased  production 
and  other  conditions  complained  of  by  the  employers,  and 
that  standards  of  production  be  set  by  a  joint  committee 
representing  both  sides,  agreeing  to  secure  enforcement  of 
whatever  standards  were  thus  established,  but  this  proposi- 
tion was  rejected  by  the  employers.  The  employers  oflFered, 
however,  to  submit  their  demands  to  the  arbitration  of 
the  impartial  chairman,  but  the  chairman  refused  to  arbi- 
trate on  the  ground  that  they  involved  making  an  entirely 
new  agreement  and  should  not  be  settled  by  anyone  out- 
side of  the  industry. 

Dr.  Leiserson,  the  impartial  chairman,  in  his  report 
to  the  public  on  the  New  York  lockout,  stated  that  in  the 
beginning  the  Manufacturers'  Association  did  not  contem- 
plate breaking  oflF  relations  with  the  union  but  merely  a 
reduction  in  labor  cost,  but  before  negotiations  were  com- 
pleted a  new  element  got  control  of  the  Association  and 
resolved  to  abolish  the  whole  system  of  collective  bar- 
gaining." Against  the  real  desires  of  a  large  part  of  the 
Association,  according  to  Dr.  Leiserson,  the  unanimous 
refusal  of  the  union  to  accept  the  ultimatum  was  followed 
by  the  immediate  breaking  off  of  all  relations  by  the  manu- 
facturers, and  the  dismissal  of  the  impartial  chairman, 

^^  Advance,  Jan.  28,  1921. 


II 


224  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

early  in  December.  The  entire  staff  of  labor  managers 
employed  by  the  clothing  firms  to  negotiate  with  the  union 
had  been  forced  to  resign  just  previous  to  this.  The  Na- 
tional Federation  of  Clothing  Manufacturers  refused  to 
uphold  the  New  York  Association  in  its  stand  and  re- 
buked it  for  taking  such  action  against  the  union  without 
consulting  the  Federation,  but  its  censure  had  no  effect. 
A  "lockout"  of  the  members  of  the  A.  C.  W.  was  at  once 
instituted  and  soon  involved  some  60,000  men  ^nd  women. 

Important  Phases  of  the  Struggle 

Certain  individual  employers  settled  with  the  union 
before  long,  but  it  was  six  months  before  the  mass  of  the 
workers  returned  to  the  shops  under  a  new  agreement 
signed  by  the  Qothing  Manufacturers'  Association.  Dur- 
ing this  time  a  good  example  of  solidarity  was  furnished 
by  the  loyal  support  given  to  the  New  York  workers  by 
Amalgamated  members  in  other  centers,  who  raised 
nearly  $2,000,000  for  their  defense,  and  by  the  other 
needle  unions  who  at  once  rallied  to  the  side  of  the  A.  C. 
W.  In  Philadelphia  the  clothing  workers  went  on  strike 
against  contractors  who  tried  to  do  work  for  New  York 
manufacturers,  and  soon  put  a  stop  to  such  attempts.  A 
few  days  after  the  New  York  "lockout"  began,  the  manu- 
facturers announced  new  demands  in  addition  to  the  previ- 
ous ones,  including : 

1.  Renunciation  of  "sovietism." 

2.  Abolition  of  the  office  of  impartial  chairman. 

3.  Abolition  of  the  walking  delegate. 

4.  Abolition  of  the  rule  prohibiting  changing  from 

one  contractor  to  another. 

As  the  lockout,  or  strike  as  the  employers  called  it, 
progressed,  one  manufacturer  after  another  followed  the 
example  of  Michaels,  Stern  and  Company  and  brought 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


225 


suit  against  the  union,  till  the  amount  charged  against  it 
totaled  over  $2,000,000.    On  the  other  hand,  the  A.  C.  W. 
surprised  its  opponents  by  bringing  a  counter-suit   for 
$1,000,000  against  the   Manufacturers'   Association   for 
conspiring  to  prevent  the  union  from  functioning.     One 
firm  brought  suit  demanding  the  dissolution  of  the  union 
on  the  ground  of   its   being  an  unlawful   organization 
formed  to  commit  acts  injurious  to  the  public  welfare, 
and  another  sought  an  injunction  providing  for  the  same 
thing,  but  both  of  these  were  denied.    As  in  the  Rochester 
case,  great  emphasis  was  placed  in  these  attacks  on  the 
radical  preamble  of  the  union.    Among  the  reasons  given 
by  Judge  Bijur  for  dismissing  the  suit  for  dissolution  of 
the  union,  which  included  also  a  demand  for  $500,000 
damages,  was  1  is  opinion  that  the  words  of  the  preamble 
were  quite  innocuous  and  gave  no  evidence  of  unlawful 
intent.    Although  the  plaintiff  at  once  started  a  new  action, 
this  decision  was  heralded  as  a  great  victory  for  the  union! 
After  the  new  agreement  was  signed  in  June,  most 
of  these  suits  against  the  Amalgamated  and  the  counter- 
suit  against  the  manufacturers  were  dropped,  though  a 
few  irreconcilables  continued  to  press  their  claims.    The 
clothing  workers  went  back  to  work  under  what  President 
Hillman  declared  was  the  most  constructive  agreement 
ever  entered  into  by  the  New  York  clothing  market.    Al- 
though it  allowed  a  15  per  cent  decrease  in  wages,  it  main- 
tained the  other  gains  which  had  previously  been  secured, 
restored  the  office  of  impartial  chairman,  and  provided 
for  joint  determination  of  both  wages  and  standards  of 
production.    A  few  weeks  later  the  arbitration  machinery 
enacted  rules  for  the  introduction  of  improved  machinery 
in  the  shops,  which  provided   for  a  joint  committee  to 
determine  the  number  of  machines  to  be  installed  and 
the  conditions  necessary  to  protect  the  health  and  welfare 
of  the  workers. 


u 


226 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Attitude  toward  Efficiency 

The  attitude  of  the  Amalgamated  toward  efficiency  in 
the  industry  is  particularly  significant.  At  the  last  con- 
vention in  May,  1920,  the  union  definitely  accepted  re- 
sponsibility for  production,  and  resolved  to  fix  standards 
of  output  in  order  that  efficiency  might  be  increased. 
Declaring  that  the  piece-work  system  which  prevailed  in 
many  markets  was  injurious  to  the  health  of  the  workers, 
it  announced  its  willingness  to  prevent  the  slackness  often 
connected  with  week-work  by  maintaining  reasonable 
standards  of  production.^®  The  debate  on  the  proposition 
when  it  was  presented  to  the  convention  was  vehement. 
Many  delegates  spoke  against  the  setting  of  production 
standards  for  fear  it  would  result  in  a  return  to  the  old 
slavery  of  the  sweat-shop  task  system.  Hillman,  Schloss- 
berg,  and  others  vigorously  urged  the  adoption  of  such 
standards,  however,  and  won  a  decided  victory  over  the 
opposition.  The  system  which  had  already  been  put  in 
operation  in  the  shop  of  the  Sonnenberg  Company  in 
Baltimore,  whereby  standards  of  production  for  different 
grades  of  workers  were  arrived  at  by  a  committee  of 
workers  and  employers,  was  enthusiastically  upheld. 

According  to  this  system,  several  wage  groups  accord- 
ing to  different  degrees  of  output  are  established,  and  any 
worker  who  is  falling  behind  the  standard  set  for  his 
group  is  warned  by  the  shop  chairman,  and  if  necessary 
properly  instructed.  If  he  does  not  improve  the  union 
will  not  interfere  with  his  discipline.  William  Hard  in 
an  article  in  the  New  Republic  for  June  2,  1920,  sums  up 
in  his  own  words  something  of  Hillman's  argument  for 

••  That  the  Union  has  not  always  succeeded  in  doing  this  is  indicated  by 
the  decision  of  the  impartial  chairman  in  Rochester  in  May,  1921,  restoring 
piece-work  on  many  processes,  in  order  to  increase  production  and  thus 
reduce  labor  cost  without  cutting  wages.  Neverthdess  there  has  been  a 
real  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  organization  to  maintain  efficiency  under  the 
week  work  system. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


227 


establishing  standards  of  production,  and  a  few  sentences 
from  his  summary  are  worth  quoting : 

The  inefficiencies  and  the  wastes  of  production  today  give  us  a 
law  of  the  jungle  in  industry.  It  is  for  the  union  to  be  an  in- 
fluence toward  bringing  in  a  reign  of  real  law  and  order  in 
industry.  The  industry  must  maintain  and  safeguard  the  worker. 
The  worker  must  maintain  and  safeguard  the  industry.  We  ex- 
pect that  Labor  will  come  into  its  own  in  industry.  We  cannot 
wreck  the  house  in  which  we  expect  to  live.  ...  We  have  to  rise 
now  above  the  morale  of  the  system  about  us.  We  have  to  be  for 
production.  The  morale  of  business  about  us  would  teach  us  to 
give  as  little  as  possible  of  our  commodity  in  return  for  as  much 
as  we  can  get.  We  must  rise  above  that  morale.  This  decision 
which  we  are  now  about  to  make  is  a  decision  of  the  very  life  of 
the  Amalgamated  and  of  its  future. 

It  is  this  assumption  of  responsibility  for  the  well- 
being  of  the  industry  that  is  the  distinguishing  thing  about 
the  "new  unionism*'  as  exemplified  in  the  Amalgamated. 
It  is  as  far  as  possible  removed  from  the  "conscientious 
withdrawal  of  efficiency"  practiced  by  many  conservative 
unions  as  well  as  by  the  I.  W.  W.,  and  is  an  expression 
of  the  union's  belief  that  the  workers  must  be  trained  in 
industrial  responsibility  before  they  can  assume  manage- 
ment of  industry.  This  far-sighted  realization  that  the 
success  of  the  industry  is  as  much  the  concern  of  the 
workers  as  of  the  manufacturers,  marks  the  Amalgamated 
as  perhaps  the  most  progressive  labor  organization  in  the 
country  today. 

Attitude  toward  Unemployment 

The  assumption  of  responsibility  for  output  is  not 
the  only  respect  in  which  the  A.  C.  W.  is  showing  a  broad 
and  statesmanlike  attitude  toward  the  problems  of  the 
industry.  It  is  in  many  respects  pressing  forward  toward 
the  setting  of  standards  which  are  diflferent  in  quality  as 


If 


\ 


228 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


well  as  in  quantity  from  those  established  before.  De- 
claring repeatedly  that  "the  industry  is  ours  because  our 
lives  are  in  it/*  the  clothing  workers  are  interested  in 
everything  that  has  to  do  with  the  industry.  The  prob- 
lem of  unemployment  is  one  on  which  they  have  been 
spending  much  thought  in  the  last  year  or  two.  The 
Executive  Board  in  its  report  for  1920  stated  that  the 
campaign  for  the  forty- four  hour  week  was  not  merely 
for  the  prevention  of  fatigue  and  the  securing  of  leisure 
for  recreation  and  education,  but  also  for  relieving  the 
unemployment  situation.  The  union  felt  that  by  shorten- 
ing the  working  time  it  could  help  provide  for  its  mem- 
bers who  were  returning  from  the  war  and  who  could 
otherwise  not  be  reabsorbed  into  the  industry.  For  some 
time  the  organization  has  maintained  the  principle  that 
in  slack  periods  the  work  should  as  far  as  possible  be 
divided  equally  among  all  the  workers.  A  more  far- 
reaching  solution,  however,  was  the  one  endorsed  by  the 
last  convention,  which  put  the  responsibility  for  unemploy- 
ment squarely  upon  the  industry. 

Unemployment  in  the  clothing  trade  is  due  primarily 
to  inefficiency  of  management,  the  union  declares.  Con- 
tinuity of  work  is  not  impossible  in  the  industry,  for  it 
has  been  accomplished  in  certain  large  plants,  by  working 
on  conservative  styles  in  the  dull  season  and  other  methods 
of  distributing  production  evenly  throughout  the  year. 
As  the  present  method  of  working  a  large  number  of 
people  feverishly  for  a  few  months  and  then  laying  most 
of  them  off  during  the  slack  season  is  unintelligent  and 
unnecessary,  the  managers  of  the  industry  should  bear  the 
burden  of  it  by  providing  a  continuous  livelihood  for  all 
their  workers.  An  unemployment  fund  to  care  for  those 
who  are  out  of  work  must  be  created  by  the  manufac- 
turers, without  assistance  from  any  other  group,  as  a 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


229 


matter  of  justice  rather  than  of  charity.  Only  when 
employers  are  thus  penalized  for  their  own  inefficiency 
of  management  will  they  vigorously  set  to  work  to  abolish 
unemployment.  "We  as  labor,"  declares  Hillman,  "take 
the  position  that  unemployment  should  not  be  classed  as 
one  of  the  things  we  have  to  accept.  It  is  in  the  same 
class  as  the  sweat  shop,  which  we  have  demonstrated  to 
have  no  inherent  place  in  the  industry.  My  conviction  is 
that  there  can  be  no  real  efficiency  in  the  clothing  industry 
until  the  unemployment  problem  is  dealt  with  properly."  ^^ 
The  1920  convention  definitely  adopted  this  principle  of 
the  unemployment  fund  and  voted  to  work  for  its 
establishment. 

Interest  in  the  Cooperative  Movement 

Another  important  decision  of  the  last  convention  was 
to  enter  actively  into  the  cooperative  movement.  The 
first  step  in  this  direction  was  to  be  the  founding  of  a 
cooperative  bank  in  which  the  average  workman  could 
invest  and  feel  that  his  money  would  not  be  used  against 
the  interests  of  the  labor  movement  in  any  way.  On  this 
question,  as  on  that  of  production  standards,  the  debate 
was  quite  intense.  The  radicals  feared  that  the  coopera- 
tive movement  was  too  "bourgeois"  and  the  Amalgamated 
would  become  conservative  if  it  engaged  in  it,  and  cer- 
tain conservatives  were  afraid  the  undertaking  might 
distract  the  union's  attention  from  more  pressing  matters 
connected  with  the  daily  toil  of  its  members.  In  answer  to 
the  first  group  of  critics  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  co- 
operatives gave  an  opportunity  to  prove  to  others  that  the 
workers  could  manage  business  undertakings,  and  hence 
would  be  of  great  value  in  preparing  for  the  future  society. 


I 


"  Speech  before  the  American  Assn.  for  Labor  Legislation,  reported  in 
Advance,  Jan.  7,  193 1. 


230  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

When  the  vote  on  the  question  was  taken,  a  large  majority 
enthusiastically  directed  the  General  Executive  Board  to 
proceed  with  its  plans  for  a  cooperative  experiment. 

Interest  in  Education 

The  A.  C.  W.  believes  that  the  union  should  concern 
itself  with  all  sides  of  the  worker's  life.  Education  it 
holds  to  be  essential  if  the  workers  are  to  be  equal  to 
their  increasing  responsibilities.  The  general  officers 
stated  in  their  report  for  1920: 

The  affairs  of  the  world  are  coining  into  the  hands  of  the 
working  people,  not  as  mere  tools  to  do  the  work  and  ask  no 
questions  but  as  masters  who  are  responsible  for  the  proper  treat- 
ment of  these  affairs.  Those  responsibilities  are  coming  to  the 
workers  of  all  industries  in  the  course  of  social  progress  as 
naturally  as  the  ripening  of  fruit  on  the  tree.  They  are  ours 
whether  we  want  them  or  not.    We  must  have  the  education  that 

will  enable  us  to  deal  with  them  intelligently We  have  built 

up  a  code  of  industrial  administrative  machinery.  The  more 
intelhgently  we  conduct  this  industrial  government,  the  better  for 
ourselves  and  society  as  a  whole." 

At  the  1920  convention  it  was  decided  to  put  into 
operation  an  extensive  educational  campaign  which  would 
fit  the  workers  for  real  industrial  democracy.  Classes  had 
already  been  established  in  English,  Economics,  and  His- 
tory in  several  cities,  and  papers  were  being  issued  by  the 
union  in  seven  languages,  but  the  organization  planned 
to  develop  its  educational  work  much  more  fully.  During 
the  recent  lockout,  the  Amalgamated  Labor  College  was 
opened  in  New  York  City,  with  35  students  who  attended 
daily  for  a  month  and  took  up  definite  studies  to  fit  them 
for  usefulness  in  the  labor  movement.  The  Advance  for 
January  21,  1921,  calls  this  the  "first  full  time  educational 
mstitution    under    complete    labor    union    auspices    in 

»  Report  of  the  Executive  Board  of  the  A.  C.   W.,  igao,  p.   i8a. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


231 


America."  In  Rochester  it  has  recently  been  decided  to 
compel  all  new  members  of  the  union  to  attend  at  least 
two  classes  for  instruction.  The  organization  believes 
that  if  the  transition  to  the  new  social  order  is  to  be  one 
of  peaceful  and  civilized  progress,  education  must  have 
first  place.  In  all  its  activities — its  democratic  manage- 
ment of  the  union,  its  assumption  of  responsibility  for 
the  welfare  of  the  industry,  its  experiment  with  coopera- 
tion, and  its  educational  work — the  Amalgamated  is  thus 
trying  to  prepare  its  members,  slowly  and  painstakingly, 
for  industrial  responsibility,  so  that  they  may  be  ready  for 
the  new  day. 


i 
I 


2.    The  Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alliance  and 
Its  Component  Unions 


Forming  of  the  Alliance 

For  several  years  there  has  been  a  growing  sentiment 
in  the  needle  trades  that  the  different  unions  engaged  in 
making  wearing  apparel  should  unite  in  one  large  organi- 
zation for  the  whole  needle  industry.  The  A.  C.  W.  has 
desired  a  complete  amalgamation,  but  some  of  the  other 
unions  have  felt  that  a  federation  or  alliance  was  all  that 
was  desirable  at  the  present  time.  The  International 
Ladies*  Garment  Workers'  Union  has  made  various  at- 
tempts to  have  a  needle  trades  department  formed  within 
the  A.  F.  of  L.,  but  its  efforts  have  failed  chiefly  because 
the  A.  C.  W.,  the  largest  of  the  needle  unions,  is  still 
bitterly  opposed  by  the  officials  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and 
especially  by  the  United  Garment  Workers,  and  any  feder- 
ation of  needle  unions  which  omitted  the  dominant  one 
in  the  men's  clothing  industry  would  be  bound  to  be  a 
farce. 

Nevertheless  the  various  needle  unions,  with  the  ex- 


233  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

ception  of  the  United  Garment  Workers,  have  continued 
their  efforts  to  draw  closer  together,  and  on  December  9, 
1920,  the  long-desired  Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alliance 
became  a  reality.    It  includes  three  unions  affiliated  with 
the  A.  F.  of  L.,  the  International  Ladies'  Garment  Work- 
ers' Union,  the  International  Fur  Workers'  Union,  and 
the  Journeymen  Tailors'  Union ;  the  A.  C.  W.  which  has 
always  been  outside  of  the  Federation;  and  the  United 
Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers*  Union  which  was  suspended 
a  few  years  ago  but  is  now  seeking  re-entrance  into  the 
A.  F.  of  L.     The  new  Alliance  includes  about  300,000 
workers  in  the  needle  trades  of  the  country.    Next  to  the 
A.  C.  W.,  the  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers 
have  the  largest  organization  in  the  group.    The  paid-up 
membership  of  the  union  as  officially  stated  in  June,  1920, 
was  132,756,"  but  at  the  A.  F.  of  L.  convention  the  fol- 
lowing year  representation  was  on  the  basis  of  only  94,100 
members.    In  1920  the  International  Fur  Workers'  Union 
came  next  in  size  with  about  12,100  members;  then  the 
United  Qoth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers  with   10,691;  and 
finally  the  Journeymen  Tailors'  Union  with  about  12,000. 
In  1921  the  order  was  reversed,  however,  the  Tailors  still 
reporting  12,000,  the  Cap  Makers  only  8,310,2°  and  the 
Fur  Workers  4,500. 

The  Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alliance  was  formed 
when  the  recent  struggle  of  the  A.  C.  W.  in  New  York 
was  just  beginning,  and  one  of  its  first  acts  was  to  pledge 

its  unqualified  support  to  the  men's  clothing  workers 

a  pledge  which  the  affiliated  unions  loyally  fulfilled.  This 
•'defensive  and  offensive"  alliance  was  formed  to  "act 
in  advisory  capacity  for  the  various  affiliated  international 
unions  with  regard  to  strikes,  lockouts,  organizing  work 
and  trade  matters,"  and  to  "assist  the  affiliated  organiza- 

^*  Justice,  Nov.  19,  1920,  p.  3. 

*^  Headgear  Worker,  Aug.  5,   1921. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


233 


tions  in  times  of  struggles  with  their  employers  by  every 
means  at  its  command."  ^^  Each  union,  however,  is  to 
preserve  its  autonomy  without  interference  in  its  internal 
affairs.  The  Alliance  has  an  executive  council  of  fifteen 
members,  three  from  each  of  the  five  organizations  be- 
longing to  it.  Its  head  is  Benjamin  Schlesinger,  presi- 
dent of  the  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers,  and 
its  secretary  and  treasurer  come  from  the  Cloth  Hat 
and  Cap  Makers'  and  Journeymen  Tailors'  Unions  re- 
spectively. The  drawing  together  of  these  different  bodies 
marks  a  significant  advance  in  industrial  unionism. 

The  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union — Origin 

The  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union 
was  organized  in  1900,  and  at  once  joined  the  A.  F.  of 
L.  Although  the  union  has  always  been  Socialistic  and 
has  often  disapproved  of  the  stand  taken  by  the  Federa- 
tion, it  has  retained  its  affiliation  with  it  ever  since.  The 
preamble  to  the  constitution  of  the  union  states  that  the 
only  way  for  the  workers  to  "get  the  full  value  of  their 
product  is  to  organize  industrially  into  a  class  conscious 
labor  union."  Unlike  that  of  the  A.  C.  W.,  however,  it 
puts  great  emphasis  on  the  need  for  political  representa- 
tion of  the  workers  "by  representatives  of  the  political 
party  whose  aim  is  the  abolition  of  the  capitalist  system," 
and  is  less  clear  in  its  analysis  of  the  principles  of  indus- 
trial unionism.  A  large  proportion  of  the  members  are 
Socialists,  and  the  union  as  a  whole  is  distinctly  radical 
in  its  outlook. 

Joint  Agreements 

The  tactics  and  structure  of  the  organization  are  much 
hTce  those  of  the  A.  C.  W.    In  1910,  after  a  great  strike 


*^  Advance,  Dec.   17,  igao. 


234  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

of  the  cloak  makers  in  New  York,  the  famous  "protocol," 
the  first  collective  agreement  in  the  ready-made  clothing 
industry,  was  established  for  the  cloak,  suit,  and  skirt 
workers.    Besides  various  regulations  in  regard  to  hours, 
wages,  the  abolition  of  home  work  and  sub-contracting, 
it  established  the  preferential   union  shop,  a   Board  of 
Arbitration  and  Committee  on  Grievances,  and  a  Joint 
Board  of  Sanitary  Control  to  establish  and  maintain  stand- 
ards of  sanitation.    This  protocol  remained  in  force  for 
five   years.      Increasing    friction   and   dissatisfaction   on 
both  sides  caused  the  agreement  to  be  broken  oflF  tempo- 
rarily in  1915,  and,  after  a  brief  period  of  renewal,  to 
be  definitely  terminated  in  1916.    A  general  strike  lasting 
fourteen  weeks  then  took  place  in  New  York,  after  which 
a  new  agreement  limited  to  three  years  was  negotiated. 
The  system  of  arbitration  of  the  protocol  was  not  renewed 
however.      Meanwhile    collective    agreements    had    been 
made  in  the  dress  and  waist  branch  of  the  industry,  also. 
Early  in  1919  the  conflict  broke  out  anew,  and  serious 
strikes  of  both  the  cloak  workers  and  the  dress  and  waist 
workers  ensued.     The  successful  ending  of  these  strikes 
resulted  in  agreements  in  both  of  these  branches  of  the 
industry,   providing   for  the   forty- four   hour   week,   in- 
creased  wages,   and    for   the   cloak    makers   week-work 
instead  of  piece-work.     The  preferential  shop  and  Joint 
Board  of   Sanitary  Control   were  retained,   shop  strikes 
were  forbidden,  and  provision  made  for  the  review  of 
discharges  and  reinstatement  when  injustice  appeared  to 
have  been  done.    The  dress  and  waist  agreement  arranged 
for  a  grievance  board  with  an  impartial  chairman  paid 
by  both  sides  to  settle  disputes.    Similar  agreements  were 
formed  in  many  other  branches  of  the  ladies*  garment 
industry  throughout  the  country,  with  varying  degrees  of 
success.    The  General  Executive  Board  reported  twenty- 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


255 


five  such  contracts  with  employers*  associations  in  1920. 
In  New  York  the  Joint  Board  of  Sanitary  Control  has  con- 
tinued to  function  ever  since  it  was  first  established  in 
1910,  and  has  done  excellent  work  in  enforcing  standards 
of  sanitation  and  safety,  establishing  cooperative  medical 
and  dental  clinics,  and  helping  the  union  found  a  tubercu- 
losis sanitorium  for  its  own  members.  The  board  is 
supported  equally  by  the  manufacturers  and  the  union, 
and  includes  representatives  of  the  general  public  as  well 
as  of  the  two  sides  directly  concerned. 

In  1920  both  the  Dress  and  Waist  Manufacturers* 
Association  and  the  Cloak,  Suit  and  Skirt  Manufacturers* 
Protective  Association  in  New  York  broke  off  their 
agreements  with  the  union.  In  the  dress  and  waist  trade 
a  brief  general  strike  which  was  called  in  February,  192 1, 
for  the  purpose  of  unionizing  the  industry,  practically 
broke  up  the  employers'  association  and  resulted  in  a  new 
organization  which  was  ready  to  carry  on  collective  bar- 
gaining with  the  union.  In  the  cloak  and  suit  trade, 
relations  with  the  union  were  renewed  by  the  manufac- 
turers in  June,  192 1,  and  a  joint  commission  was  appointed 
to  study  production  records  and  work  out  a  plan  for 
increasing  productivity.  Before  the  date  on  which  this 
commission  was  to  make  its  report,  the  manufacturers 
sent  an  ultimatum  to  the  union,  breaking  oft*  their  agree- 
ment and  declaring  that  after  November  14  piece-work, 
a  forty-nine  hour  week,  and  lower  wages  would  be 
established.  At  the  same  time,  manufacturers  in  several 
other  cities  also  decreed  a  change  from  week-work 
to  piece-work.  A  strike  was  at  once  called  by  the  cloak 
makers  of  New  York  by  an  overwhelming  vote,  and 
55,000  left  their  work  on  November  14.  Soon  after- 
wards the  cloak  makers  of  Montreal,  Philadelphia,  and 
Chicago  also  went  out  on  strike  to  resist  the  introduction 


I'' 


■M: 


236  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

of  piece-work.  An  unusual  incident  of  the  struggle  in 
New  York  was  the  granting  of  an  injunction  against  the 
Manufacturers'  Association  forbidding  it  to  aid  or  en- 
courage its  members  to  violate  the  agreement  with  the 
union.  It  was  the  first  instance  in  which  the  power  of 
injunction  had  been  used  against  the  manufacturers  in 
a  labor  dispute.  As  a  result  of  it,  the  employers  were 
forced  to  take  back  their  workers  under  the  terms  of  the 
previous  agreement. 

Policies 

The  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union 
is  adopting  policies  similar  to  those  of  the  A.  C.  W.  in 
various  respects.    The  appointment  of  a  joint  commission 
to  study  production  records  and  work  out  plans  for  in- 
creasing productivity  in  New  York,  even  though  unsuc- 
cessful, was  an  attempt  to  establish  standards  of  efficiency. 
Although  the  Ladies'  Garment  Workers  have  not  yet  gone 
as  far  as  the  A.  C.  W.  in  assuming  responsibility  for  the 
industry,  they  are  tending  in  the  same  direction.     In  re- 
gard to  unemployment  they  are  also  thinking  along  the 
same  lines.     A  significant  step  was  taken  in  Cleveland 
in   April,    192 1,   toward   stabilizing   the   garment   trades. 
The  board  of  referees  maintained  by  the  Cleveland  Gar- 
ment Manufacturers'  Association  and  the  I.  L.  G.  W.  U. 
ruled  that  every   regular   worker   should   henceforth   be 
guaranteed   forty  weeks  employment  during  each  year, 
to  be  divided  into  two  periods  of  twenty  weeks  each.     If 
the  employer  fails  to  provide  work  for  the  twenty-week 
period,  the  employee  can  draw   from  a  guaranty   fund 
maintained  by  the  manufacturers  two-thirds  of  his  mini- 
mum wage  for  the  time  he  is  unemployed  during  that 
period.    Each  manufacturer  deposits  weekly  in  this  fund 
a  sum  equal  to  yyi  per  cent  of  his  labor  pay-roll.    This 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


237 


placing  of  the  responsibility  for  unemployment  squarely 
upon  the  employers  has  been  vigorously  advocated  by 
the  A.  C.  W.  for  the  last  couple  of  years.  The  I.  L.  G. 
W.  U.,  like  the  A.  C.  W.,  is  greatly  interested  in  the 
cooperative  movement,  and  has  made  plans  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  number  of  union-owned  factories  in  New 
York,  with  retail  stores  elsewhere  throughout  the  country 
for  the  sale  of  clothing  made  in  these  factories.  Another 
point  of  similarity  between  the  A.  C.  W.  and  the  I.  L.  G. 
W.  U.  lies  in  their  attitude  toward  immigration.  The 
interest  of  both  unions  stretches  out  to  the  needle  workers 
all  over  the  world,  and  both  believe  that  the  best  way  to 
prevent  immigrants  from  undercutting  the  standards  of 
workers  in  America  is  to  develop  a  world-wide  federation 
of  needle  trades  which  will  bring  about  true  industrial 
solidarity  among  the  garment  workers  of  all  countries. 

Attitude  toward  Education 

The  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union  have  been 
pioneers  in  the  field  of  workers'  education,  realizing  the 
importance  not  only  of  a  thorough  understanding  of  the 
labor  movement  but  also  of  a  broad  culture  and  general 
intelligence  on  the  part  of  their  members.  In  1914  a 
special  education  committee  was  appointed  by  the  General 
Executive  Board,  and  made  arrangements  with  the  Rand 
School  for  various  courses  to  be  conducted  under  the 
joint  direction  of  the  union  and  the  school.  At  the  same 
time  a  vigorous  educational  movement  was  inaugurated 
by  the  Waist  and  Dress  Makers'  Union  of  New  York. 
In  1916,  the  I.  L.  G.  W.  U.  voted  $5,000  from  its  treas- 
ury for  the  development  of  educational  work,  and  two 
years  later  decided  to  appropriate  $10,000  yearly  for  it.^^ 
In  New  York  the  cooperation  of  the  public  schools  has 

"  Budish  and  Soule,  The  New  Unionism,  p.  ai6. 


238  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

been  secured,  and  in  several  of  them  "unity  centers"  have 
been  established  where  classes  in  English,  economics, 
physical  training,  and  other  subjects  are  held,  and  various 
social  activities  carried  on  for  the  members  of  the  union. 
In  one  of  the  schools  a  "Workers'  University"  has  been 
established  by  the  educational  department  of  the  union 
for  those  members  who  are  eager  for  more  advanced 
work  than  is  furnished  by  the  popular  courses  at  the 
unity  centers.  In  Philadelphia  similar  courses  are  being 
given  for  members  of  the  union,  and  efforts  are  being 
made  to  establish  them  in  other  clothing  centers. 

Types  of  Workers  in  Union 

The  I.  L.  G.  W.  U.  has  extended  its  control  over 
many  kinds  of  workers  besides  those  in  the  cloak,  suit, 
and  skirt,  and  waist  and  dress  trades.    In  New  York,  the 
chief   center  of   the   industry,    it   included   in    1920'  the 
following  trade   units:   the   children's  dressmakers,   the 
house  dress  and  kimono  workers,  the  private  dressmakers, 
the  petticoat  workers,  the  New  York  goods  workers,  the 
Bonnaz  embroiderers,  the  Swiss  embroidery  workers,  the 
ladies'  tailors,  the  waterproof  garment  workers,  and  the 
corset  workers,  besides  the  large  Dress  and  Waist  Makers' 
Union  and  the  Joint  Board  of  the  Cloak,  Skirt  and  Reefer 
Makers'  Unions.     The  Cloak  Makers'  Joint  Board  in- 
cluded fourteen  locals  in  1920,  most  of  them  formed  on 
craft    lines.      Operators,    cutters,    pressers,    buttonhole 
makers,    etc.,    were   thus   organized   in    separate   locals. 
There  is  also  a  union  of  garment  clerks,  including  both 
shipping  and  stock  clerks  in  the  cloak  trade,  which  has 
recently  been  given  a  charter.    Each  local,  regardless  of 
its  size,  sends  five  delegates  to  the  Joint  Board,^^  which 
like  the  joint  boards  of  the  other  needle  unions  is  respon- 

»  Budish  and  Soule,  op.  cit.,  p.  i8i. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


239 


sible  for  negotiating  agreements,  making  decisions  in  re- 
gard to  strikes,  and  looking  after  the  welfare  of  all  the 
workers  in  the  trade  in  the  locality.  Over  53,000  workers 
were  represented  in  it  in  June,  1920.^* 

Dress  and  Waist  Workers  of  New  York 

The  dress  and  waist  workers  in  New  York  until 
recently  were  organized  in  one  huge  local,  including  all 
crafts  but  the  cutters,  and  having  a  total  membership  of 
over  25,000  in  1919.  It  was  said  to  be  the  largest  local 
of  women  in  the  country.  It  began  with  a  small  nucleus, 
but  after  the  dramatic  strike  of  1909  when  almost  the 
entire  trade  went  out,  it  leaped  suddenly  into  great 
prestige  and  has  maintained  an  important  position  and  a 
large  membership  ever  since.  Within  the  last  few  years 
it  has  grown  so  large  as  to  be  unwieldy,  however,  and 
subdivision  according  to  race  and  craft  has  consequently 
begun  to  appear.  At  the  end  of  1919  an  Italian  branch 
known  as  Lx)cal  89  of  the  Ladies'  Waist  and  Dress 
Makers  was  formed.  The  introduction  of  new  machinery 
has  strengthened  a  movement  for  making  subdivisions  also 
for  pressers,  finishers,  and  other  crafts.  In  May,  1920, 
the  general  convention  of  the  ladies'  garment  workers 
decided  that  it  was  time  to  reorganize  the  dress  and  waist 
makers,  grouping  them  into  smaller  units  which  would  be 
represented  on  a  joint  board.  Accordingly  such  a  board 
was  organized  in  October  of  that  year  by  representatives 
of  the  Waist  and  Dress  Makers'  Union  (known  as  Local 
25),  the  waist  and  dress  division  of  the  cutters'  local, 
the  Bonnaz  embroiderers'  local,  and  the  pressers'  branch 
of  the  Waist  and  Dress  Makers'  Union.  A  new  local  to 
include  all  the  dressmakers  was  formed  in  December, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  dressmakers  who  be- 

**  Justice,  Oct.   15,   1920. 


240 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


longed  to  Local  25  should  be  transferred  to  the  new  body. 
An  editorial  in  Justice,  the  official  journal  of  the  union, 
for  October  8,  1920,  states  that  this  step  was  necessary 
because  Local  25  was  too  large  to  function  normally. 
Only  a  small  proportion  of  the  members  attended  meet- 
ings, whereas  the  majority  were  apathetic.  Many  mis- 
understandings and  disputes  kept  breaking  out  in  the 
union,  and  there  was  no  opportunity  for  intelligent  dis- 
cussion in  moderate-sized  groups  which  might  lead  to 
mutual  understanding;  hence  the  local  was  losing  in 
strength  and  influence.  Furthermore  the  various  trades 
did  not  derive  any  advantage  from  being  in  one  local. 
In  the  early  days  of  organizing  girls  in  the  needle  indus- 
try, the  union  could  not  aflFord  to  make  trade  divisions, 
and  hence  gathered  them  all  into  one  local.  The  trades 
were  not  so  markedly  different  from  each  other  then  as 
they  have  since  become,  the  editorial  declared.  With  the 
passage  of  time  it  had  become  apparent  that  the  various 
trades  could  defend  their  interests  most  effectively  by 
being  organized  in  distinct  locals.  An  interesting  side- 
light is  thrown  on  the  whole  question  of  industrial  union- 
ism by  the  statement  that: 

[While  recognizing  as  a  general  principle]  that  there  exists 
no  difference  between  workers  and  workers  and  that  as  members 
of  the  working  class  they  are  one  and  undivided,  [and  while] 
declaring  that  when  the  decisive  moment  for  striking  a  blow  for 
the  emancipation  of  the  workers  will  come,  all  differences  between 
one  worker  and  another  must  disappear,  and  they  must  be 
welded  into  one  great  fighting  camp,  we  nevertheless  maintain  that 
while  the  preliminaries  of  this  struggle  are  being  fought  out 
from  day  to  day  by  the  workers  in  the  shops,  this  general  idea  can 
find  no  practical  application. 


m 


The  Journeymen  Tailors'  Union 

The  oldest  of  the  unions  in  the  new  Alliance  is  the 
Journeymen   Tailors'   Union,    which   was    organized   in 


THE  GARMENTJNDUSTRY 


241 


1883  among  the  custom  tailors,  and  joined  the  A.  F.  of 
L.,  a  few  years  later.  It  has  been  involved  in  various 
jurisdictional  troubles  with  the  unions  in  the  ready-made 
clothing  trades,  because  of  the  introduction  of  cheap 
custom  tailoring  into  factories.  The  Journeymen  Tailors 
have  claimed  jurisdiction  over  all  engaged  in  the  produc- 
tion of  custom-made  clothing  (to  the  order  and  measure 
of  each  individual  customer)  wherever  the  work  is  done, 
and  also  over  "bushelmen"  who  do  alteration  work  in 
ready-made  clothing  stores.  Partly  because  they  felt  the 
practical  need  for  a  closer  affiliation  between  the  different 
needle  unions,  and  partly  because  they  elected  in  1909  a 
secretary  who  stood  strongly  for  industrial  unionism,  the 
Journeymen  Tailors  were  among  the  first  to  press  for 
amalgamation.^'  Being  discouraged  with  the  slow  pro- 
gress toward  that  end,  the  union  took  a  radical  step  in 
19 1 3  by  deciding  to  extend  its  own  jurisdiction  to  include 
all  needle  workers,  and  to  change  its  name  to  the  "Tailors' 
Industrial  Union."  When  it  began  to  organize  workers 
claimed  by  the  other  garment  unions,  of  course  a  protest 
was  made  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  promptly  declared 
this  extension  of  jurisdiction  illegal  and  ordered  the 
tailors  to  meet  with  the  United  Garment  Workers  to 
consider  amalgamation.  Shortly  after  this  came  the  split 
in  the  latter  organization,  and  the  tailors  decided  to  join 
the  seceding  faction,  which  became  the  A.  C.  W.,  as  it 
was  more  in  accord  with  their  ideas  of  industrial  unionism. 
The  two  executive  boards  met  in  conference  in  January, 
191 5,  and  agreed  on  the  provisions  of  amalgamation,  but 
hardly  was  the  union  of  the  two  bodies  consummated 
than  a  strong  opposition  movement  began  to  develop 
within  the  Tailors'  Union.  This  opposition  was  based 
on  the  fact  that  the  vote  on  the  question  of  amalgamation 


*  Stowell,  The  Journeymen  TaUors'  Union  of  America,  p.  loa. 
1« 


242  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

was  taken  very  hastily  and  without  full  realization  that 
it  meant  joining  an  outlaw  organization  and  thus  shutting 
themselves  out  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  The  number  of  oppo- 
nents was  increased  by  a  certain  amount  of  friction 
connected  with  the  details  of  amalgamation,  so  that  when 
the  pressure  of  the  dissenters  forced  a  new  vote  on  the 
question  a  few  months  later,  a  big  majority  of  those 
voting  declared  in  favor  of  withdrawing  from  the  A.  C. 
W.  and  going  back  to  their  old  name  and  jurisdiction.^* 
The  journeymen  tailors  then  returned  to  the  A.  F.  of  L., 
and  to  the  conservative  policies  which  had  been  character- 
istic of  their  union  in  earlier  years.  Although  the  organi- 
zation has  had  to  fight  against  many  handicaps,  due  to 
the  steady  encroachments  of  the  ready-made  garment 
trade,  it  has  had  a  fair  degree  of  success  in  making  con- 
tracts with  employers  and  securing  reasonable  hours  and 
wages  for  its  members. 

United  Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers— Early  History 

The  United  Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers  of  North 
America,  which  was  organized  in  1901  by  delegates  from 
nine  locals  previously  formed,  has  from  the  beginning 
had  a  radical  philosophy.  Its  preamble  gives  as  one  of 
its  aims  the  "final  emancipation  of  the  wage-earner"  and 
the  "establishment  of  the  Cooperative  Commonwealth." 
Throughout  its  history  the  union  has  been  faithful  to  the 
Socialist  movement.  In  1919  it  declared  in  favor  of  the 
new  Labor  Party  and  recommended  cooperation  between 
that  and  the  Socialist  Party.  At  first  the  union  voted  to 
remain  independent,  but  the  year  after  it  was  organized 
it  decided  to  affiliate  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  In  1905  the 
I.  W.  W.  tried  to  win  the  Cap  Makers  away  from  this 
affiliation,  and  when  they  decided  not  to  withdraw,  suc- 

"  Stowdl,  op.  cit.,  p.  119. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


243 


ceeded  in  splitting  the  union.^^    The  Cap  Makers  regained 
complete  jurisdiction  over  their  trade  eventually,  however. 
In   19 1 5  the  union  came  into  conflict  with  the  United 
Hatters,  who  in  that  year  decided  to  admit  the  women's 
straw  hat  makers  and  asked  jurisdiction  over  them.     In 
1903  the  Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers'  union  had  been 
granted  the  right  to  include  all  millinery  workers,  and 
large  numbers  of  them  had  been  successfully  organized  by 
that  body.     Nevertheless  the  Executive  Council  of  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  reversed  its  former  decision  and  granted  the 
request  of  the  United  Hatters.    By  an  overwhelming  vote 
the  Cap  Makers  refused  to  accept  this  decision  and  con- 
sequently were  suspended  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  have 
remained  outside  it  ever  since.    EflForts  have  been  made 
on  their  part  to  bring  about  an  amalgamation  with  the 
United  Hatters,  and  in  1920  both  the  Executive  Council 
and  Convention  Committee  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  recom- 
mended such  a  solution,  but  due  to  the  hostility  of  the 
general  secretary  of  the  Hatters  it  failed  of  passing  by 
one  vote.2*     Negotiations  in  regard  to  the  matter  have 
been  renewed,  however,  and  an  elaborate  plan  for  amalga- 
mation has  been  worked  out  by  the   Cap   Makers  and 
presented  for  consideration,  so  there  is  hope  that  all  the 
headgear  workers,  including  makers  of  felt  hats,  men's 
straw  hats,  women's  millinery,  and  cloth  hats  and  caps, 
may  be  united. 

Structure 

The  Cap  Makers'  union  is  similar  to  the  A.  C.  W.  in 
structure,  having  joint  councils  representing  separate  locals 
of  operators,  cutters,  trimmers,  and  other  crafts,  in  large 
cities;  and  in  smaller  places  single  locals  which  include 

"  Budish  and  Soule,  op.  cit.,  p.  78. 
'^  Headgear  Worker,  Jxdy  3,  1930. 


mi 


J 


244  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

all  branches  of  the  industry.     New  York  has  two  trade 
units,  the  Joint  Council  of  Cap  Makers  and  the  Joint 
Board  of  Ladies'  Straw  Hat  and  Millinery  Workers.    The 
joint  council  or  board  controls  all  strike  agreements  and 
other  matters  connected  with  the  organization,  as  the  local 
has  little  power.     Shop  committees,  originally  appointed 
for    arranging    piece    rates,    and    shop    chairmen    exist 
throughout  the  industry.    Although  having  no  legal  status, 
the  shop  chairmen  are  most  important  and  their  opinions 
carry  great  weight.    They  are  close  enough  to  the  other 
workers  to  understand  their  point  of  view  and  interpret  it, 
and  the  decisions  of  the  chairmen  are  usually  carried  out 
in  the  union.    All  matters  of  importance  must  be  passed 
on  by  the  entire  membership,  but  frequently  the  opinions 
of  the  rank  and  file  may  be  obtained  informally  through 
the  shop  chairmen. 

Policies 

The  Cap  Makers  were  the  first  of  the  clothing  unions 
to  secure  a  100  per  cent  organization  and  the  universal 
closed  shop  in  the  cloth  hat  and  cap  trade."  An  agree- 
ment made  in  1919  provided  that  no  manufacturer  should 
give  out  work  to  non-union  shops,  or  sell  goods  to  any 
concern  where  there  is  a  strike.'**  The  millinery  branch 
has  been  somewhat  less  successful,  due  partly  to  the 
dispute  with  the  hatters,  but  it  has  considerable  strength. 
The  union  in  New  York  has  recently  been  engaged  in  a 
controversy  with  the  employers  over  the  question  of  piece- 
work and  standards  of  production.  The  week-work 
system,  together  with  the  forty-four  hour  week,  had  been 
gained  in  1919,  but  the  employers  in  January,  1921, 
demanded  a  return  to  piece-work,  claiming  that  production 

*  Budish  and  Soule,  op.  cit.,  p.  80. 
'*Jbid.,  p.  154. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


245 


fluctuated  too  much  under  the  week  system,  and  any  ac- 
curate estimate  of  labor  cost  was  impossible.    The  union, 
like  the  A.  C.  W.  in  its  controversy  over  the  same  question, 
proposed  a  joint  investigation  of  the  problem  and  also 
presented  a  plan  for  production  standards,  both  of  which 
the  employers  refused.    Counter  proposals  made  by  them 
were  refused  by   the   workers,   but  a  compromise  was 
finally  eflFected,  according  to  which  the  setting  of  produc- 
tion standards  for  all  except  cutters  and  packers  was  left 
to  an  arbitration  committee  made  up  of  two  representatives 
from  each  side  and  a  chairman  who  had  had  considerable 
experience    in   adjusting   difficulties    in    New    York    in- 
dustries."    The  union  proposes  a  system  by  which  the 
workers  are  to  be  divided  into  classes  with  a  $5  a  week 
diflference  in  wage.    If  the  worker  falls  below  the  standard 
of  work  set  for  his  class  during  an  eight  weeks'  period, 
or  rises  above  it,  he  is  to  be  demoted  or  promoted  to 
another  class.    Similar  systems  are  already  in  operation  in 
the  industry  in  Chicago  and  St.  Paul. 

Plan  for  Cooperative  Factories 

The  union  has  just  launched  a  scheme  for  starting  co- 
operative factories  in  the  cloth  hat  and  cap  industry,  and 
is  hoping  to  develop  the  undertaking  on  a  large  scale.  A 
$100,000  fund  is  now  being  raised  for  the  purpose.  It  is 
hoped  that  the  experiment  will  not  merely  furnish  employ- 
ment for  some  of  the  members  of  the  union,  but  also 
serve  as  a  scientific  laboratory  for  supplying  first-hand 
knowledge  about  shop  management,  division  of  labor, 
normal  production,  and  the  various  difficulties  to  be  met 
in  the  trade.  Such  knowledge  will  not  only  be  of  great 
value  in  negotiations  with  employers,  but  will  also  pre- 
P^'"^  the  workers  for  a  larger  measure  of  control  of  in- 

'^  Headgear  Worker,  Feb.  ii,  1921. 


246 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


dustry   in   the   future.     To  quote   from   the   Headgear 
Worker : 

In  an  industry  like  ours,  there  is  no  telling  whether  under  pres- 
sure this  modest  cooperative  effort  may  not  become  the  beginning 
of  a  reconstruction  of  the  entire  industry  on  a  cooperative  basis. 
The  comparatively  small  number  of  people  employed  in  the  in- 
dustry, the  fact  that  they  are  practically  all  organized,  the  fact  that 
the  industry  needs  no  very  great  investment  of  capital,  and  that 
its  product  is  consumed  by  workers  and  farmers,  would  seem  to 
make  it  possible  for  the  industry  to  pass  to  a  cooperative  manage- 
ment even  before  a  fundamental  change  of  the  present  social 
order  has  been  brought  about." 

Fur  Workers*  Union — General  Character 

The  International  Fur  Workers'  Union  of  the  United 
States  and  Canada  is  younger  than  the  other  clothing 
unions,  not  having  been  organized  in  its  present  form  till 
19 1 3,  though  many  locals  existed  previous  to  that  time 
and  one  or  two  earlier  attempts  to  establish  an  inter- 
national organization  had  been  made.  Like  the  other 
garment  unions,  it  has  a  large  proportion  of  Socialists 
among  its  members.  Its  preamble,  though  vaguely  refer- 
ring to  the  class  struggle,  shows  no  special  sign  of  a 
radical  philosophy,  however,  and  lays  stress  on  the  pro- 
tection of  the  immediate  interests  of  the  craft  rather  than 
on  the  solidarity  of  the  workers  or  on  any  program  for 
their  ultimate  emancipation.  The  union  has  been  affiliated 
with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  since  its  organization. 

Structure 

Although  no  mention  of  industrial  unionism  is  made 
in  the  constitution,  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  fur  workers  are 
organized  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  members  of  the 

"Headgear    Worker,    Dec.    3,     1920. 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


247 


other  needle  unions.  Outside  of  New  York,  all  crafts  in 
a  district  are  included  in  a  single  local.  The  constitution 
mentions  thirty-two  different  crafts  of  fur  workers  which 
are  eligible  to  membership.  In  New  York  where  the  bulk 
of  the  industry  is  found,  different  crafts  are  organized 
in  separate  locals  which  are  united  by  joint  boards.  The 
Joint  Board  of  the  Furriers'  Unions  of  Greater  New  York 
comprises  four  locals  and  about  60  per  cent  of  the 
membership.  It  functions  in  the  same  way  that  the  boards 
of  the  other  garment  unions  function.  The  Joint  Board 
of  the  Fur  Cap  and  Trimming  Workers,  which  includes 
four  locals,  and  that  of  the  Fur  Dressers  and  Dyers  in 
Brooklyn,  with  five  locals,  have  much  less  power,  acting 
chiefly  in  an  advisory  capacity.  The  locals  in  these 
branches  of  the  industry  have  complete  autonomy  but 
cooperate  in  office  management  and  a  few  other  parti- 
culars by  means  of  the  joint  boards.  The  reason  for  this 
is  that  several  of  these  locals  were  formed  many  years 
before  the  International  came  into  being,  and  have  insisted 
on  maintaining  their  old  policies.  The  differences  in  dues 
paid  and  other  provisions  make  a  closer  affiliation  between 
these  locals  somewhat  difficult.  Besides  these  joint  boards, 
there  exists  a  local  of  Hatters  Fur  Workers,  directly 
affiliated  with  the  International.  Most  of  the  crafts  in  the 
union  require  a  fair  degree  of  skill,  and  one  or  two  of 
them  a  very  high  degree.  The  dyers,  however,  are  un- 
skilled. According  to  Mr.  Wenneis,  the  general  secretary, 
about  90  per  cent  of  the  workers  in  the  fur  manufacturing 
branch  of  the  industry  are  controlled  by  the  union,  and 
about  50  per  cent  in  the  dressing  and  dyeing  branch.  If  the 
dressers  who  work  on  Hudson  seal  are  excluded,  however, 
the  union  includes  about  100  per  cent  of  the  workers  in 
this  branch. 


248 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Policies 

The  closed  shop  is  maintained  by  the  Fur  Workers,  and 
the  forty- four  hour  week  has  been  secured.  In  19 19  an 
agreement  between  the  Associated  Fur  Manufacturers  and 
the  Joint  Board  of  Furriers*  Unions  of  Greater  New  York 
was  signed,  to  run  for  two  years.  This  provided  for  a  Con- 
ference Committee,  with  five  representatives  of  each  side 
and  a  representative  of  the  public  as  chairman,  to  consider 
problems  affecting  the  entire  industry,  and  a  Committee  on 
Immediate  Action  to  deal  with  individual  disputes. 
Various  regulations  in  regard  to  overtime  work,  a 
minimum  wage  scale  for  different  classes  of  workers,  pro- 
hibition of  piecework,  inspection  of  shops  of  contractors 
and  enforcement  of  the  same  conditions  there  as  in  the 
shops  of  the  manufacturers,  and  other  matters  dealing 
with  the  industry,  were  also  included.  In  spite  of  the 
provision  prohibiting  strikes  and  lockouts,  however,  a 
strike  was  called  in  New  York  in  May,  1920,  to  protest 
against  wholesale  discharges  and  to  force  the  employers  to 
distribute  their  work  equally  among  the  workers  during 
the  slack  season,  in  order  to  reduce  unemployment.  The 
principle  of  equitable  division  of  work  was  included  in  the 
agreement,  but  had  not  been  carried  out  to  the  extent  that 
the  union  felt  was  necessary.  The  Conference  Committee 
had  been  unable  to  come  to  any  decision  on  the  matter, 
and  the  chairman  refused  to  settle  it  as  he  claimed  it  was 
outside  his  province.  The  strike  which  resulted,  involv- 
ing all  members  of  the  furriers*  locals  and  many  in  the 
auxiliary  trades  of  fur  cap  making  and  trimming,  lasted 
for  thirty  weeks  and  greatly  weakened  the  organization. 
The  strikers  were  obliged  to  go  back  to  work  without 
winning  their  fight,  but  the  old  agreement  was  renewed 
for  another  year.  Before  the  strike  the  membership  of 
the  union  was  12,000,  but  it  was  temporarily  reduced  by 


I 


THE  GARMENT  INDUSTRY 


249 


the  long  struggle.     In  June,  192 1,  only  4,500  members 
were  reported. 

Interest  in  Education  and  Cooperation 

The  Fur  Workers  have  joined  with  other  garment 
unions  in  the  United  Education  Committee,  which  has 
done  good  work  in  developing  workers'  education,  but  have 
taken  no  important  steps  along  this  line  by  themselves. 
They  are  interested  in  the  cooperative  movement  and 
have  appointed  a  committee  to  consider  the  possibility  of 
establishing  a  fur  dressing  and  dyeing  establishment  on  a 
cooperative  basis.  The  chaotic  condition  of  the  industry 
has  made  such  a  step  impossible  up  to  this  time,  however. 
So  much  capital  is  necessary  for  securing  skins  that  the 
union  could  not  attempt  to  carry  on  the  whole  process  of 
fur  manufacture,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  or  not  the 
manufacturers  would  countenance  a  contracting  establish- 
ment sufficiently  to  allow  it  to  get  fur  to  handle.  Local 
20  of  the  Fur  Cap  and  Trimming  Workers  is  planning 
to  join  with  the  United  Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers 
in  starting  their  new  cooperative  factory,  however,  and 
is  to  be  responsible  for  the  department  making  fur  caps. 

Conclusion 

In  summing  up,  we  may  say  that  four  of  the  unions  of 
the  Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alliance  are  very  similar  in 
structure  and  policies,  in  their  interest  in  cooperation  and 
education,  and  in  the  system  of  industrial  democracy  which 
they  have  sought  to  introduce  wherever  they  have  gained 
control,  while  at  least  three  of  them  look  forward  definitely 
to  the  overthrow  of  the  present  capitalist  system  and  the 
establishment  of  the  cooperative  commonwealth. 


1 


CHAPTER  VIII 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM   IN   THE  TEXTILE 

INDUSTRY 

The  United  Textile  Workers 

The  textile  industry  furnishes  a  peculiar  opportunity 
to  study  the  development  of  industrial  unionism.  For 
many  years  craft  organizations  have  existed  in  this  field, 
some  affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  some  independent. 
In  1901  the  United  Textile  Workers  was  formed  by  the 
coming  together  of  some  of  these  bodies,  and  was  granted 
jurisdiction  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  over  all  workers  in  the 
textile  industry  with  the  exception  of  the  mule  spinners 
and  the  lace  operatives.  These  groups  of  workers  kept 
their  own  separate  organizations  under  charters  from  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  until  1919,  when  they  wefe  ordered  to 
affiliate  with  the  U.  T.  W.  and  were  suspended  for  re- 
fusing. There  are  several  independent  craft  organiza- 
tions in  the  industry,  but  the  U.  T.  W.  is  now  the  only 
textile  union  which  is  recognized  by  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
Although  theoretically  it  is  an  industrial  union,  as  it 
claims  jurisdiction  over  all  workers  in  the  industry,  its 
spirit  and,  for  the  most  part,  its  methods  are  those  of 
the  old  craft  unionism.  In  the  South  and  in  a  few  places 
in  the  North  it  has  organized  general  textile  locals  in 
which  workers  of  all  grades  are  included,  but  in  most 
northern  centers  it  is  little  more  than  a  federation  of 
skilled  crafts.  Although  it  includes  the  unskilled  to 
some  extent,  it  has  paid  more  attention  to  the  skilled 
workers  and  has  organized  a  much  larger  proportion  of 
them.     There  is  little  democracy  in  the  union  and  its 

250 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


251 


spirit  is  decidedly  conservative.  The  great  mass  of  the 
workers  in  the  industry  have  been  utterly  untouched  by 
it.  In  spite  of  the  existence  of  the  various  textile  unions, 
there  were  said  to  be  about  900,000  unorganized  workers 
in  the  industry  at  the  time  when  the  new  industrial  union 
known  as  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  of  America 
was  born,  early  in  1919.  Today  from  75  to  85  per  cent 
of  the  million  textile  workers  of  the  country  are  still 
unorganized,  according  to  estimates  of  different  union 
officials.  It  will  be  interesting  to  discover  if  the  Amalga- 
mated Textile  Workers  proves  any  more  successful  than 
the  older  unions  in  meeting  this  challenge. 

Reasons  for  Slow  Progress 

Organization  of  the  industry  has  been  slow  for  various 
reasons.  Officials  of  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers 
attribute  it  largely  to  conservatism  and  lack  of  real  in- 
terest in  the  rank  and  file  on  the  part  of  officers  of  the 
United  Textile  Workers,  and  to  the  craft  spirit  which  has 
prevailed  in  all  the  textile  unions,  causing  one  craft  group 
to  "scab"  upon  another.  The  character  of  the  labor  force, 
however,  has  afforded  special  difficulties.  With  the  in- 
troduction of  new  machinery,  processes  have  become  so 
easy  that  in  most  departments  only  a  small  degree  of  skill 
is  required.  The  trade  can  be  learned  in  a  very  short  time 
and  as  a  result  workers  shift  from  one  kind  of  work  to 
another  continually.  A  large  proportion  of  the  workers 
are  women  and  children,  and  their  presence  helps  maintain 
the  low  wages  which  prevail  in  the  industry,  while  on  the 
other  hand  the  low  wages  help  to  force  them  into  the 
mills  to  supplement  the  earnings  of  the  male  wage-earners. 
Immigrants  crowd  into  the  industry  in  large  numbers, 
apparently  being  encouraged  to  do  so  by  the  manu- 
facturers.    Mr.   Raymond   Swing   in   an  article   in   the 


252         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Nation  charges  the  textile  manufacturers  with  a  deliberate 
policy  of  gathering  up  the  peasants  of  Europe  to  operate 
the  looms  of  New  England  and  of  so  distributing  them 
that  no  more  than  15  per  cent  of  any  one  race  were 
employed  in  a  single  mill.^  Thus  men  and  women  racially 
hostile  to  each  other  were  put  to  work  side  by  side,  in 
order  that  organization  might  be  made  impossible. 
Whether  this  specific  charge  is  true  or  not,  the  presence 
of  many  different  foreign-born  groups,  which  have  in 
the  past  contained  many  transients,  has  made  the  task  of 
organization  far  from  easy.  In  the  northern  mills  foreign- 
born  workers  are  decidedly  in  the  majority.  In  Lawrence 
just  before  the  strike  of  1919,  Italians,  Syrians,  Poles, 
Lithuanians,  and  Germans  were  said  to  make  up  nearly 
90  per  cent  of  the  workers.  Besides  these  there  was  a 
large  group  of  French  Canadians,  and  numerous  Russians, 
Ukranians,  Greeks,  Portugese,  Franco-Belgians,  and  other 
nationalities.  Any  union  which  hopes  to  control  the  textile 
industry  must  solve  the  problem  of  uniting  these  various 

elements. 

The  size  of  the  industry  with  its  hundreds  of  different 
processes  helps  make  the  work  of  organization  difficult. 
Certain  obstacles  which  exist  in  the  clothing  industry,  to 
be  sure,  are  less  apparent  here.  Home  work  is  rare  and 
sweat-shop  competition  does  not  cause  the  chaotic  condi- 
tions which  have  been  characteristic  of  the  clothing  trade 
until  very  recently.  Large  scale  production  in  factories 
representing  heavy  investment  in  the  plant,  machinery, 
and  power,  is  the  rule  in  the  cotton  and  wool  branches  of 
the  trade.  New  establishments,  therefore,  cannot  spring 
up  easily  and  disappear  suddenly  in  those  branches,  and 
thus  the  problem  of  retaining  territory  once  won  should 
be  less  difficult  than  it  is  in  some  trades.    On  the  other 

^Nation,  April  26,  1919,  p.  650. 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


253 


hand,  the  task  of  organizing  the  workers  in  the  large 
factories  is  often  harder  than  in  smaller  shops  where 
employees  are  more  closely  united.  In  the  silk  industry 
where  the  shops  are  small  and  relatively  unstable,  the 
A.  T.  W.  has  had  greater  success  in  organizing  the 
workers  than  it  has  in  the  huge  cotton  mills,  for  the 
disadvantages  of  instability  are  oflfset  by  the  greater  ease 
with  which  the  workers  in  the  small  shops  can  be  educated 
in  the  principles  of  industrial  unionism. 

The  Lawrence  Strike  of  1919 

The  strike  of  the  Lawrence  workers  early  in  19 19  was 
perhaps  the  most  important  event  leading  to  the  formation 
of  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  in  April  of  that 
year.  Before  the  strike  there  were  only  200  members  of 
the  United  Textile  Workers,  and  600  others  organized 
in  an  independent  union,  out  of  a  mill  force  of  from 
30,000  to  35,000.  The  immediate  cause  of  the  break  was 
the  refusal  of  the  employers  to  grant  the  forty-eight  hour 
week,  which  the  U.  T.  W.  demanded,  without  a  decrease 
in  wages.  The  U.  T.  W.  officials  favored  acceptance  of 
this  decrease,  probably  because  they  felt  a  strike  at  that 
time  to  be  inexpedient  because  of  the  dullness  of  the 
season,  but  the  great  mass  of  the  workers  had  no  patience 
with  this  policy,  and,  refusing  to  allow  any  shrinkage 
in  wages  which  were  already  far  from  adequate,  went 
out  on  strike  for  "48  hours*  work  with  54  hours*  pay." 
The  union  officials,  backed  by  the  central  labor  body  of 
the  city  and  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  refused  to  support  the  strike 
in  any  way  and  denounced  it  as  a  revolutionary  move- 
ment, thereby  causing  great  bitterness  in  the  minds  of 
unorganized  strikers.  The  Amalgamated  Clothing  Work- 
ers, however,  came  to  their  assistance  with  generous 
support,  and  three  former  clergymen  who  had  decided 


I 


*■*■* 


I 


254  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

to  throw  themselves  into  the  labor  struggle  took  an  active 
part  in  leading  the  new  movement.  In  spite  of  the  great 
provocation  furnished  by  the  police,  who  clubbed  law- 
abiding  pickets,  broke  up  peaceful  meetings,  and  per- 
secuted the  leaders,  the  strike  was  conducted  with  a 
marked  absence  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  workers, 
due  to  the  constant  preaching  of  the  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance  by  those  who  were  directing  them. 

Cooperation  of  Different  Nationalities 

The  sense  of  solidarity  manifested  by  the  different 
national  groups  and  their  willingness  to  forget  racial 
antagonisms  and  work  together  for  their  common  cause 
was  very  striking.  The  general  strike  committee  which 
met  every  morning  was  composed  of  delegates  from  each 
of  the  eleven  nationalities,  who  struggled  valiantly  to  over- 
come not  only  language  difficulties  but  barriers  of  many 
kinds  in  their  great  experiment  in  cooperation.  The  same 
spirit  was  shown  in  the  general  relief  committee  where 
the  chairmen  of  the  different  nationality  committees  met 
to  consider  the  regulation  of  soup  kitchens  and  distribution 
of  other  forms  of  relief  to  the  most  needy.  One  instance 
of  the  triumph  of  "morale"  was  the  vote  of  the  Italian 
strikers  to  accept  no  food  rations  for  three  days  longer, 
after  being  without  them  for  a  week,  because  they  knew 
the  funds  were  getting  low.  There  were  many  acts  of 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  foreign  workers  in  nearby  cities, 
who  sent  money  to  help  the  Lawrence  strikers  instead  of 
using  it  for  their  own  pressing  needs.  Although  most  of 
the  English-speaking  workers  drifted  back  to  the  mills 
during  the  strike,  the  ranks  of  the  principal  foreign  groups 
stood  firm  during  the  sixteen  weeks,  and  went  back  only 
after  a  15  per  cent  increase  in  wages,  more  than  had  been 
asked  for,  was  announced  by  the  mill  owners  in  May. 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


255' 


Forming  of  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers 

Meanwhile  spontaneous  strikes  broke  out  in  Passaic 
and  other  textile  centers,  and  dissatisfaction  with  the  old 
unions  in  the  industry  was  becoming  widespread.  In 
many  cities  and  towns,  workers  had  broken  away  from  the 
United  Textile  Workers  and  formed  independent  unions, 
feeling  that  their  interests  had  been  betrayed  by  their  own 
officials,  whom  they  held  to  be  out  of  touch  with  the  rank 
and  file  and  more  interested  in  keeping  the  good  will  of  the 
employers  than  in  advancing  the  welfare  of  their  members. 
Some  of  these  unions,  and  also  certain  independent  organi- 
zations which  had  never  been  connected  with  the  U.  T. 
W.,  were  now  desiring  new  affiliations,  and  various 
workers  who  had  been  members  of  the  I.  W.  W.  were 
ready  to  join  them.  Workers  who  had  hitherto  been 
unorganized  were  coming  together,  also,  and  in  some  cases 
applying  to  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  for 
charters.  The  A.  C.  W.  refused  all  such  applications  as 
it  could  not  undertake  the  task  of  organizing  textile 
workers,  but  it  encouraged  the  formation  of  a  new  national 
textile  union  with  which  it  could  cooperate.  Accordingly 
in  April,  19 19,  a  convention  attended  by  seventy-five  or 
eighty  delegates  from  Lawrence,  Passaic,  Paterson,  Hud- 
son County  (New  Jersey)  and  New  York  met  in  New 
York  City  and  formed  a  new  national  organization,  the 
Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  of  America.  Although 
different  tendencies  in  the  labor  movement  were  repre- 
sented, all  were  agreed  as  to  the  need  for  an  industrial 
union  of  all  in  the  textile  industry,  which  should  prepare 
the  workers  for  the  ultimate  control  of  production.  It  was 
unanimously  decided  to  take  over  the  preamble  of  the 
Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  bodily — though  the 
Lawrence  group  had  already  drawn  up  one  that  was  some- 
what similar — and  to  issue  a  call  to  all  textile  workers  to 


256 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


257 


join  in  organizing  a  class  conscious  industrial  union,  to 
be  controlled  by  the  rank  and  file.  Greetings  were  also 
extended  to  Soviet  Russia — an  act  which  caused  much 
misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  the  public. 

Constitutional  Provisions 

The  constitution  adopted  by  the  new  textile  union  was 
based  on  the  determination  to  keep  the  seat  of  government 
in  the  rank  and  file,  not  in  the  officials.  All  members  of 
the  General  Executive  Board,  except  the  general  secretary, 
must  be  actual  wage-earners  in  the  industry.  At  the 
second  convention,  held  in  October,  1919,  a  motion  to 
make  men  who  were  not  working  in  the  mill  eligible  to 
the  board  was  defeated,  on  the  ground  that  a  "machine" 
might  thereby  be  built  up.^  The  general  secretary  is  the 
only  elected  official  in  the  union  who  is  paid.  At  present 
he  serves  also  as  treasurer  and  editor  of  the  official 
journal,  the  New  Textile  Worker,  Mr.  A.  J.  Muste,  one 
of  the  clergymen  leaders  of  the  Lawrence  strike,  was 
elected  the  first  general  secretary  and  continued  in  office 
until  October,  1921.  The  general  secretary  and  the  nine 
members  of  the  General  Executive  Board  are  elected  by 
referendum,  after  nomination  at  the  annual  convention. 
The  referendum  is  also  used  to  pass  on  all  amendments 
to  the  constitution  which  have  been  voted  by  the  conven- 
tion or  proposed  by  six  locals  in  the  interim  between  con- 
ventions. The  General  Executive  Board  may  at  any  time 
submit  questions  of  importance  to  the  membership  for 
decision.  According  to  provisions  adopted  at  the  second 
convention,  the  general  office  has  no  authority  to  call  or 
prohibit  strikes,  but  all  locals  are  bound  to  consult  with  it 
before  striking.  No  local  needs  to  follow  the  advice  of 
the   General    Executive   Board,   though   the   moral   and 

'New  Textile   Worker,  Nov.  8,    19 19, 


financial  support  which  comes  from  the  approval  of  the 
central  organization  is  of  course  valuable. 

Form  of  Organization 

Both  initiation  fees  and  dues  are  determined  by  the 
local,  though  the  former  may  not  be  over  $5.    Dues  range 
from  50  cents  to  $1.25  a  month,  of  which  32  cents  goes  to 
the  central  office.     Each  local  is  authorized  to  "create 
subdivisions  or  branches  according  to  the  requirements 
of  the  situation"  and  to  make  any  necessary  laws  for  self- 
government  which  do  not  conflict  with  the  general  con- 
stitution.     Locals    differ    somewhat    in    their    organiza- 
tion and  methods,  but  the  constitution  adopted  by  the 
Hudson  local  is  one  which  is  considered  a  model  for  others 
to  follow.    It  provides  for  shop  unions,  composed  of  all 
workers  in  a  given  mill— weavers,  warpers,  twisters,  dyers, 
and  even  carpenters— and  for  a  general  shop  delegates' 
board  composed  of  craft  delegates  from  each  shop  union, 
on  the  basis  of  one  delegate  for  each  craft,  with  one 
additional  delegate  for  every  fifty  workers  in  the  craft. 
These  shop  delegates  are  elected  every  six  months,  and 
can  be  recalled  at  any  time  by  a  two-thirds  vote.     All 
officials  of  the  local,  including  the  Executive  Board,  are 
elected  by  the  shop  delegates.    The  Trimming  Workers' 
local  in  New  York  has  shop  committees  with  representa- 
tives of  each  craft,  in  the  larger  shops,  and  shop  chairmen 
who  meet  together  every  two  weeks.     The  majority  of 
locals  have  not  yet  adopted  the  shop  form  of  organization, 
however.     Lawrence   groups   the   workers   according   to 
nationality  rather  than  according  to  shop.    A  few  places 
have   subdivisions   according  to   craft;   and   some   have 
departments,  such  as  the  upholstery,  dress  trimming,  spool 
cotton,  and  braid  departments  of  the  Trimming  Workers. 
In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  where  several  locals  exist 

IT  ' 


258 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


joint  boards  have  been  organized  to  coordinate  their  ac- 
tivities. The  New  York  board  has  representatives  of  the 
different  branches  of  the  industry  found  in  the  city — ^knit 
goods  workers,  textile  trimming  workers,  silk  ribbon 
workers,  block  printers,  and  Persian  rug  weavers.  (Other 
important  branches  of  the  industry,  cotton,  wool,  and 
broad  silk,  are  not  found  in  New  York.)  In  general  a 
local  includes  workers  in  only  one  branch.  In  Philadelphia, 
the  joint  board  has  representatives  of  different  crafts — 
loom  fixers,  weavers,  and  spinners — as  well  as  of  branches 
such  as  the  knit  goods  workers,  trimmers,  and  hosiery 
workers. 

Meetings  Held 

In  most  locals  there  are  several  types  of  meetings.  In 
the  first  place,  all  the  workers  in  a  single  shop  meet 
frequently  to  discuss  matters  connected  with  their  work. 
They  are  called  together  whenever  occasion  arises.  In 
Passaic  such  meetings  were  held  nearly  every  night  for 
awhile.  Separate  nationalities  meet  frequently,  and  in- 
formal meetings  of  all  of  the  same  craft  in  the  same  local 
are  sometimes  held,  even  where  no  separate  organization 
of  crafts  exists.  At  regular  intervals,  meetings  of  all 
workers  in  the  local  are  held,  and  in  large  centers  there 
are  also  general  meetings  of  all  in  the  textile  industry. 
According  to  one  of  the  business  agents  of  the  New  York 
Trimming  Workers,  there  is  little  interest  in  these  general 
gatherings,  and  it  is  hard  to  get  the  members  out  to  them. 
The  most  popular  meetings  are  those  of  separate  shops, 
and  next  of  interest  to  the  workers  are  those  of  the  dif- 
ferent crafts.  In  other  words,  among  the  trimming 
workers  at  any  rate,  the  sense  of  solidarity  is  strongest 
among  those  who  are  working  side  by  side  in  the  shop,  and 
next  strongest  among  those  who  do  the  same  kind  of  work, 
whereas  the  industry  as  a  whole  calls  forth  little  of  it. 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


259 


Spirit  of  the  Rank  and  File 

The  rank  and  file  of  the  membership  is  more  alert  in 
some  places  than  in  others.  One  of  the  leaders  in  the 
union  says  that  in  Lawrence  the  hands  of  the  officials  are 
really  tied  because  of  the  radical  democracy  of  the  work- 
ers, whereas  in  Passaic  the  majority  are  so  cowed  by  the 
spy  system  there  in  operation  that  they  have  little  initiative. 
On  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  the  rank  and  file  deter- 
mine general  policies,  whereas  the  officials  determine  the 
tactics  used  in  carrying  out  those  policies.  According  to 
Mr.  Long,  one  of  the  organizers  for  the  union,  the  class 
consciousness  and  sense  of  solidarity  expressed  in  the 
preamble  exist  not  merely  among  the  leaders,  but  are 
strong  in  the  average  member.  The  ideas  in  the  move- 
ment have  come  from  the  members  themselves,  he  declares. 
I.  W.  W.  activity  in  Lawrence  and  Paterson  in  former 
years  has  helped  to  spread  class  consciousness  in  those 
centers.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  Amalgamated, 
especially  those  in  locals  which  have  come  over  bodily  from 
the  older  unions,  are  not  yet  in  sympathy  with  the  ideas 
expressed  in  the  preamble,  however.  No  attempt  is  made 
to  force  them  to  subscribe  to  it,  though  the  leaders  hope 
that  in  time  they  may  learn  to  recognize  its  truth.  On  the 
other  hand,  some  of  the  officers  of  the  organization  believe 
that  the  majority  of  the  rank  and  file  know  little  about  the 
preamble  and  have  little  conception  of  the  solidarity  of 
labor.  According  to  an  officer  of  the  New  York  trimming 
workers,  there  is  a  small  group  in  each  shop  which  is 
vitally  interested  in  the  union ;  the  rest  have  confidence  in 
these  and  will  follow  them  in  times  of  crisis,  but  are 
indifferent  to  anything  but  their  own  immediate  welfare. 
It  is  only  the  closed  shop  principle  that  impels  them  into 
the  union.  "The  rank  and  file  are  always  conservative," 
he  says,  "but  the  militant  minority  must  educate  them." 


n 


260 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


The  members  of  his  local  dislike  going  to  meetings,  and 
"won't  stand  for  much  that  is  serious/'  so  the  process  of 
education  is  difficult.  The  New  York  trimming  workers 
differ  from  other  textile  workers  in  that  the  majority  of 
them  are  English-speaking  people.  The  attitude  of  some 
other  nationalities  is  different,  this  official  admits.  It  may 
be  noted  in  passing  that  the  trimming  workers  did  not 
join  the  A.  T.  W.  until  several  months  after  its  formation, 
so  had  no  part  in  the  adoption  of  the  preamble.  Neverthe- 
less it  is  probably  true  that  their  attitude  is  shared  by  many 
other  members  of  the  organization. 

Sense  of  Solidarity 

The  leaders  of  the  A.  T.  W.  believe  that  a  sense  of 
solidarity  among  the  workers  is  being  developed  in  two 
ways — through  idealism  and  through  self-interest.  The 
skilled  workers  are  being  appealed  to  on  idealistic  grounds 
in  order  that  they  may  realize  how  much  the  unskilled 
need  their  support,  and  also  on  more  selfish  grounds  so 
that  they  may  recognize  their  own  need  of  the  support 
of  the  unskilled.  For  instance,  each  skilled  spinner  in  the 
Passaic  mills  has  three  girl  assistants,  any  one  of  whom 
might  act  as  a  "scab"  in  time  of  strike  by  taking  his  place 
or  that  of  one  of  the  other  men.  For  this  reason  the 
spinners  are  coming  to  see  that  their  position  would  be 
greatly  strengthened  by  having  such  girls  in  the  union. 
Similarly  the  weavers  are  in  many  cases  becoming  eager 
to  have  the  unskilled  organized.  This  economic  motive 
is  probably  the  more  potent  of  the  two  in  binding  the 
workers  together,  though  idealism  plays  its  part  in  attract- 
ing both  the  skilled  and  the  unskilled  workers.  Mr.  Muste, 
general  secretary  of  the  A.  T.  W.  for  its  first  two  years, 
believes  that  the  old  feeling  of  the  skilled  against  the 
unskilled  is  fast  dying  out.     It  still  remains  strong  in 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


261 


many  places,  however,  and  constitutes  a  real  problem. 
According  to  one  of  the  national  organizers  of  the  union, 
the  silk  ribbon  weavers  of  New  York  who  are  working 
under  the  agreement  which  will  be  described  later  in  the 
chapter,  are  not  at  all  eager  to  have  other  workers  in 
their  branch  of  the  industry  organized  and  brought  under 
this  agreement.     These  other  workers  are  largely  un- 
skilled, many  of  them  being  young  girls,  and  the  weavers 
fear    that    they    would    weaken    the    union    instead    of 
strengthening  it.     The  principles  of  industrial  unionism, 
though  theoretically  adhered  to,  may  thus  count  for  little 
when  a  concrete  situation  seems  to  make  another  policy 
more   immediately   advantageous.     The    skilled    workers 
are  in  the  majority  in  the  union,  probably,  or  at  any  rate 
form  the  backbone  of  the  organization,  though  some  locals, 
such  as  those  in  Lawrence  and  Passaic,  are  said  to  have 
more  unskilled  members  than  skilled.     The  problem  of 
reaching  the  great  mass  of  unskilled  workers  in  the  in- 
dustry is  still  far  from  solved. 

Early  Rapid  Progress 

The  new  textile  union  made  rapid  progress  in  the  first 
few  months  of  its  existence,  winning  strikes  in  Lawrence, 
Paterson,  Passaic,  Hudson  County,  and  New  York.  At 
the  second  convention  held  October,  1919,  it  reported  a 
membership  of  50,000,  with  locals  in  all  branches  of  the 
industry.  Encouraged  by  the  success  of  the  Paterson  silk 
workers  in  winning  the  forty-four  hour  week,  the  delegates 
voted  to  launch  a  forty- four  hour  campaign  in  other 
branches  of  the  industry  as  soon  as  possible.  At  the  con- 
vention were  American,  Scotch,  Irish,  and  French 
Canadian  delegates,  as  well  as  Italians,  Poles,  Lithuanians, 
and  Jews.  Mr.  Muste  in  commenting  on  this  convention 
said  it  was  a  gathering  of  workers  seeking  a  radical  change 


w 


^62 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


in  industry.  They  were  not  interested  merely  in  shorter 
hours  and  higher  wages,  but  looked  far  ahead  to  a  future 
reorganization  of  the  system  of  production.  Yet  many  of 
them  had  never  come  in  contact  with  revolutionary  propa- 
ganda, but  merely  spoke  the  mind  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
workers  when  they  declared  for  "freedom  in  industry" 
and  absolutely  democratic  control  of  the  conditions  under 
which  they  worked.* 

Strikes  in  Paterson  and  Elsewhere 

The  strike  in  Paterson  furnishes  an  interesting  example 
of  the  failure  of  the  United  Textile  Workers  to  satisfy 
the  workers.  That  organization  had  submitted  the  demand 
^  of  its  members  for  the  forty- four  hour  week  to  the 
arbitration  of  the  War  Labor  Board,  without  the  consent 
of  the  membership,  and  the  Board  had  decided  that  this 
decrease  in  hours  should  not  be  granted  immediately. 
Members  of  the  Amalgamated,  who  were  not  represented 
in  the  negotiations,  refused  to  abide  by  this  decision  and 
went  on  strike  for  the  immediate  grant  of  the  forty- four 
hour  week.  Thereupon  members  of  the  U.  T.  W.  who 
were  equally  dissatisfied  with  the  award  went  out  also. 
As  a  result  their  officials  tried  to  have  the  case  reopened 
by  the  Board.  Failing  in  this,  they  bent  their  energies  to 
withdrawing  their  members  from  the  strike,  threatening 
all  who  remained  out  with  expulsion.  Many  refused  to 
obey  orders,  however,  and  withdrew  from  the  U.  T.  W. 
Most  of  the  ribbon  and  hat  band  workers  formed  a  new 
organization  known  as  the  Associated  Silk  Workers,  but 
some  of  the  others  who  withdrew  from  the  U.  T.  W. 
joined  the  Amalgamated.  In  this  case,  the  officials  of  the 
the  U.  T.  W.  were  condemned  bitterly  for  being  "hand  in 
glove  with  the  bosses."    The  real  difficulty,  however,  was 

*  New  Textile   Worker,   Nov.  8,   19 19. 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


263 


that  there  was  a  lack  of  democratic  control  in  the  union, 
so  that  the  officials  were  able  to  make  agreements  against 
the  will  of  the  membership.  When  the  agreement  was 
once  made  they  felt  obliged  to  maintain  it.  Considerable 
pressure  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  officials  to  submit 
the  matter  to  the  War  Labor  Board,  of  course,  so  perhaps 
they  could  not  have  done  differently,  but  their  failure  lay 
in  not  convincing  their  members  of  the  fact.  In  various 
other  places  the  policies  of  the  U.  T.  W.  have  proved  so 
distasteful  to  its  members  that  locals  have  broken  away 
and  gone  over  to  the  Amalgamated.  In  Allentown,  Pa., 
the  silk  loom  fixers  and  twisters,  organized  under  the 
U.  T.  W.,  demanded  an  increased  wage  but  were  not  per- 
mitted to  strike  until  word  reached  the  national  officials 
that  the  A.  T.  W.  had  appeared  on  the  scene.  Even  after 
sanction  for  a  strike  was  granted,  very  little  help  was 
given  by  the  national  organization,  and  as  a  consequence 
the  effort  failed  and  many  of  the  strikers  left  their  old 
union  in  disgust  and  joined  the  A.  T.  W.* 

Attacks  upon  the  Amalgamated 

The  A.  T.  W.  has  been  bitterly  attacked  not  merely  by 
rival  unions,  but  also  by  employers  and  by  public  officials. 
In  Passaic  and  Paterson  long  struggles  for  the  right  to 
hold  meetings  have  been  waged.  Permits  for  meetings 
were  refused,  foreign  speakers  were  prohibited,  halls  were 
closed,  and  peaceful  meetings  broken  up.  On  one  occasion 
in  Passaic  the  lights  were  suddenly  turned  out  by  the 
police  in  the  middle  of  an  address,  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  audience  driven  out,  to  leave  only  a  handful  to  listen 
to  the  reading  of  the  New  Jersey  state  constitution  by  can- 
dle light.  The  weapon  of  the  injunction  has  also  been  used 
against  the  union  on  the  ground  that  its  aim  is  to  establish 

*  New  Textile  Worker,  June  19,  1920. 


a 


264 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


I 


Mi 


Soviet  government  in  the  United  States.  As  evidence  of 
this,  in  one  instance,  was  stated  the  fact  that  no  worker 
belonging  to  the  union  could  be  discharged  without  the 
consent  of  a  shop  committee — which  is  hardly  a  con- 
clusive proof  of  Bolshevism.**  Although  the  union  does 
look  forward  to  the  day  when  the  system  of  production 
shall  be  in  the  hands  of  the  workers,  it  continually  empha- 
sizes its  belief  that  the  change  to  the  new  order  must  come 
about  by  peaceful  and  lawful  means.  Nevertheless  its  pre- 
amble has  been  used  as  an  excuse  for  attacks  upon  it,  just 
as  has  been  true  in  the  case  of  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers.  Wherever  the  A.  T.  W.  becomes  strong, 
employers  urge  their  workers  to  affiliate  with  the  U.  T. 
W.  instead  of  with  the  more  radical  union — though  in  the 
South  where  the  newer  union  has  not  penetrated,  the 
opposition  to  the  U.  T.  W.  is  often  as  great  as  that  which 
the  Amalgamated  has  to  meet. 

Effect  of  Depression 

The  A.  T.  W.  has  suffered  severely  from  the  long 
period  of  depression  which  struck  the  industry  in  the 
spring  of  1920  and  has  continued  ever  since.  Its  first 
year  was  one  of  prosperity  and  rapid  growth,  as  has  been 
said.  During  that  period  it  secured  the  forty-eight  hour 
week  for  cotton  and  wool  workers,  the  forty- four  hour 
week  for  silk  workers  and  dyers  in  New  York  and  New 
Jersey,  and  several  wage  advances.  Its  50,000  members 
were  distributed  in  forty  locals,  established  in  eight  dif- 
ferent states.  Massachusetts  and  New  York  were  in  the 
lead  in  the  number  of  locals,  followed  by  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Illinois.  In  the  territory  covered  by  the  A.  T. 
W.  the  U.  T.  W.  had  at  that  time  about  25,000  members, 

'New   Textile    Worker,    Oct.   9,    1920, 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


265 


according  to  Mr.  Muste.  During  the  period  while  the 
A.  T.  W.  had  been  growing,  however,  the  older  organi- 
zation was  pushing  its  own  campaign  vigorously,  especi- 
ally in  the  South,  a  field  which  the  A.  T.  W.  had  not 
attempted  to  enter,  and  its  membership  as  reported  to  the 
A.  F.  of  L.  in  June,  1920,  was  about  105,000.  In  spite  of 
this  fact,  the  younger  textile  union  claimed  to  control  about 
one-fifth  of  the  textile  industry  and  one-half  of  the  New 
England  mills  indirectly  if  not  directly,  due  to  the  in- 
fluence it  had  over  many  who  were  not  its  members.  Soon 
after  the  first  anniversary  of  the  A.  T.  W.,  the  effects  of 
the  depression  began  to  be  felt,  however,  and  as  the  months 
of  unemployment  went  by,  the  dues-paying  membership 
shrank  considerably.  Nevertheless  the  union  battled 
valiantly  against  heavy  odds,  and  succeeded  in  holding  its 
own  remarkably  well.  In  April,  192 1,  Mr.  Muste  reported 
that  although  in  some  places  ground  was  lost,  "in  most 
places  the  time  of  testing  has  solidified  our  ranks  and  the 
locals  are  fundamentally  in  better  condition  than  ever."  * 
In  no  instance  had  the  attempt  to  lengthen  hours  succeeded, 
and  in  many  places  no  wage  reductions  or  only  very  slight 
ones  had  been  suffered  by  the  members,  though  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  unorganized  textile  workers  were  reduced 
from  20  to  50  per  cent  in  wages.  Wages  in  the  silk  mills 
of  Hudson  County,  New  Jersey,  were  cut  15  per  cent  but 
later  restored  to  their  previous  level.  In  the  fall  of  192 1, 
the  general  secretary  said  that  the  number  of  locals  had 
decreased  to  twenty-two,  but  that  in  all  centers  where 
locals  had  previously  existed  conditions  were  such  that  they 
could  quickly  be  revived  as  soon  as  the  depression  was 
over.  The  loss  in  numbers  was  not  due  to  lack  of  interest 
but  simply  to  financial  stringency,  and  the  fact  that  the 
union  was  able  to  keep  its  head  above  water  at  all  during 

*  New  Textile  Worker,  April  9,  1921. 


266 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


the  long  months  of  unemployment  was  a  sign  of  its  great 
vitality. 

The  union  has  tried  hard  to  have  the  available  work 
divided  evenly  among  all  the  workers  during  the  slack 
period,  and  in  some  shops  has  succeeded  in  maintaining 
this  principle.  In  one  shop  the  firm  was  afraid  production 
would  suffer  by  allowing  twenty  of  its  weavers  to  lay  off 
voluntarily  in  order  that  twenty  unemployed  weavers  might 
have  work,  but  nevertheless  agreed  to  the  experiment  and 
was  pleasantly  surprised  to  find  that  production  increased 
instead  of  diminishing.  The  weavers  said  that  the  firm 
was  dealing  squarely  with  them  and  they  would  therefore 
take  extra  pains  to  deal  squarely  with  it  and  prevent  any 
loss  in  efficiency.^ 

The  Joint  Agreement  in  the  Silk  Ribbon  Trade 

The  policy  of  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  has 
always  been  to  make  agreements  with  employers  whenever 
possible — although  the  Lawrence  local  has  declared  against 
contracts  with  a  definite  time  limit  and  endeavored  to  have 
a  provision  against  them  in  the  national  constitution.  In 
April,  1920,  an  interesting  agreement  was  adopted  by 
four  of  the  leading  silk  ribbon  manufacturers  of  New 
York  with  the  three  locals  of  silk  ribbon  weavers  belong- 
ing to  the  A.  T.  W.  Although  it  covers  only  about  300 
workers,  it  is  significant  as  an  indication  of  the  policy 
which  the  union  would  like  to  liave  adopted  in  other 
branches  of  the  industry.  The  following  paragraph  in 
the  preamble  to  the  agreement  well  expresses  its  spirit : 

The  parties  to  this  pact  realize  that  the  interests  sought  to  be 
reconciled  herein  ordinarily  tend  to  pull  apart,  but  they  enter  into 
this  agreement  in  the  faith  that  by  the  exercise  of  a  cooperative 
and  constructive  spirit  it  will  be  possible  to  bring  and  keep  them 

^  New  Textile   Worker,   Dec.   ii,   iQao. 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


267 


together.  This  will  involve  as  an  indispensable  prerequisite  the 
suppression  of  the  militant  spirit  by  both  parties  and  the  develop- 
ment of  reason  instead  of  force  as  the  rule  of  action.  It  will  re- 
quire also  mutual  consideration  and  concession  and  a  willingness 
on  the  part  of  each  party  to  regard  and  serve  the  interests  of  the 
other  for  the  common  good.  With  this  attitude  assured  it  is  be- 
lieved that  no  differences  can  arise  which  this  machinery  cannot 
mediate  and  resolve  in  the  interest  of  cooperation  and  harmony. 

The  preamble  also  declares  in  favor  of  increased  pro- 
duction and  pledges  cooperation  to  that  end.  There  is  to 
be  no  intentional  restriction  of  output,  either  by  workers 
in  order  to  increase  wages  or  to  equalize  the  productivity 
of  weavers  having  different  degrees  of  skill,  or  by  em- 
ployers in  order  to  increase  prices.  On  the  other  hand, 
no  method  which  is  harmful  to  the  health  or  future  of  the 
workers  is  to  be  used. 


Main  Provisions 

This  agreement,  like  those  of  the  Amalgamated  Cloth- 
ing Workers,  which  have  doubtless  influenced  it,  provides 
for  an  impartial  chairman  supported  by  equal  contribu- 
tions from  the  two  sides,  and  for  a  trade  council  with 
equal  representation  of  employers  and  workers.  Large 
powers  are  given  to  the  impartial  chairman,  who  has  the 
final  decision  in  regard  to  all  grievances  not  adjusted  in 
the  shops  by  the  shop  committees  or  business  agent  of 
the  union  dealing  directly  with  the  management.  He  also 
is  the  final  authority  in  regard  to  wages  and  general  work- 
ing conditions  when  the  trade  council  is  unable  to  reach  a 
unanimous  decision.  He  may  fine  either  employer  or 
employee  for  wilful  disobedience  to  his  rules  and  deci- 
sions, and  hold  the  union  or  the  association  of  manu- 
facturers responsible  for  the  payment  of  the  fine.  If  a 
worker  is  discharged  without  just  cause,  he  may  order  his 
reinstatement.    On  the  other  hand,  if  a  worker  stops  work 


268  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

or  fails  to  appear  for  insufficient  reasons,  the  impartial 
chairman  has  the  power  to  deprive  him  of  membership 
m  the  union— a  drastic  power  which  has  not  yet  been  used. 
If  the  initiation  fees,  assessments,  and  penalties  imposed 
by  the  union  are  such  as  to  deter  workers  from  joining 
It,  the  impartial  chairman  may  order  a  change  in  the 
amounts  of  such  fees,  etc.,  and  the  dates  for  paying  them. 
No  weaver  may  have  his  pay  raised  or  lowered  without  the 
chairman's  permission.     The  system  of   wage  payment 
decreed  by  him  when  the  trade  council  came  to  a  deadlock 
over  the  question  of  piece-work  provides  for  a  minimum 
hourly  wage  for  each  of  the  three  grades  of  skill  found 
among  the  weavers,  with  the  possibility  of  increasing  that 
wage  by  turning  out  more  than  a  specified  amount  of 
product   in  a   specified  time.     Definite   piece   rates   are 
established  for  different  jobs  by  price  committees  in  each 
shop,  composed  of  two  weavers  and  two  representatives 
of  the  management.    If  the  rate  established  for  a  new  job 
proves  unsatisfactory,  the  committee  may  reopen  the  case 
and,  if  necessary,  call  in  the  impartial  chairman.    In  most 
cases,  however,  it  is  able  to  settle  the  rate  without  his  help 
The  employer  decides  to  which  grade  of  skill  each  worker 
belongs,  but  the  worker  may  appeal  to  the  chairman  if 
he  believes  himself  to  be  unfairly  treated  in  this  respect. 
The  agreement  provides   for  the  preferential  union 
shop,  and  forbids  strikes  and  lockouts.     Recently  a  plan 
for  regulating  apprenticeship  was  adopted  by  the  trade 
council,  providing  for  a  period  of  training  of  at  least  three 
years,  with  payment  starting  at  40  per  cent  of  the  wages 
of  a  first-class  weaver,  and  increasing  10  per  cent  every 
six  months.    Only  one  apprentice  to  every  ten  weavers  in 
the  shop  may  be  admitted.    This  system  of  joint  regulation 
of  apprenticeship  by  the  union  and  the  employers  is  quite 
unusual.     Additional  firms  may  come  under  this  agree- 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


269 


ment,  if  approved  by  their  fellow-employers,  whenever 
they  and  their  employees  are  ready  to  sign  its  provisions. 
At  the  present  time  only  the  weavers  in  these  silk  ribbon 
mills  are  organized,  but  it  would  be  highly  desirable  to 
have  the  other  workers  included  in  the  agreement.  As  has 
already  been  pointed  out,  however,  little  progress  has  yet 
been  made  toward  bringing  them  within  the  union.  When 
the  agreement  was  first  drawn  up  it  was  submitted  to  the 
membership  of  the  three  locals  concerned,  and  by  secret 
ballot  an  overwhelming  majority  voted  in  favor  of  adopt- 
ing it  and  paying  the  large  sum  necessary  for  supporting 
it,  although  not  all  the  members  worked  in  the  shops 
covered  by  it.  A  very  large  majority  also  voted  for  re- 
newing it  the  following  year.  If  the  national  organization 
did  not  feel  that  this  was  a  first  step  toward  establishing 
this  method  of  settling  difficulties  throughout  the  industry, 
it  is  doubtful  if  it  would  have  endorsed  such  a  large  ex- 
penditure for  such  a  small  number  of  workers. 

Interest  in  Education  and  Cooperation 

The  textile  workers,  like  the  clothing  workers,  are 
interested  in  stimulating  education,  and  a  few  locals  have 
started  classes  in  English,  citizenship,  and  economics. 
Very  high  praise  was  given  to  these  classes  by  a  govern- 
ment investigator  who  made  a  report  on  adult  education 
in  Passaic.  The  real  eagerness  to  learn  on  the  part  of  the 
immigrant  worker  and  the  spirit  of  mutual  helpfulness 
m  the  classroom,  she  found  most  inspiring.^  Lectures  illus- 
trated by  moving  pictures  have  also  been  held  in  some 
places.  The  educational  work  of  the  union  is  only  in  its 
initial  stages,  however.  The  organization  has  also  at- 
tempted some  cooperative  experiments.     In  Lawrence  a 

c«*^"rPalS.^"''''°"'  ^""^^'^  N°-  ^'  ''^°'  ^^  P^o^^^^  of  Adult  Eiu. 


27© 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


cooperative  bakery  and  two  retail  stores  have  been  started 
by  the  Amalgamated,  and  plans  for  similar  undertakings 
elsewhere  are  under  way.  Although  some  friction  has 
arisen  between  different  national  groups  in  connection  with 
these  cooperative  stores,  on  the  whole  the  movement  has 
proved  fairly  successful.  These  educational  and  coopera- 
tive undertakings  are  significant,  not  so  much  for  what 
they  have  yet  accomplished,  as  for  the  indication  they  give 
of  the  interests  of  the  union. 

Movement  for  Affiliation  with  the  A.  C.  W. 

From  the  time  of  its  formation,  the  A.  T.  W.  has 
desired  closer  relations  with  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers.  The  latter  organization  did  much  to  make  the 
Lawrence  strike  a  success  and  to  encourage  the  formation 
of  the  new  textile  union,  and  has  always  been  ready  to 
extend  to  it  a  helping  hand.  Early  in  the  career  of  the 
A.  T.  W.  the  two  Amalgamateds  engaged  in  a  simultane- 
ous strike  in  Utica  under  the  joint  auspices  of  the  two 
bodies.  At  the  conventions  held  in  May,  1920,  both  or- 
ganizations voted  in  favor  of  an  ultimate  union  between 
the  clothing  and  textile  workers,  and  appointed  a  joint 
committee  to  work  toward  the  establishment  of  one  great 
organization  which  should  unite  all  those  engaged  in 
handling  the  raw  materials  with  those  manufacturing  the 
finished  product,  thus  taking  the  first  step  toward  that 
interindustrial  alliance  that  their  preambles  prophesy.  The 
fact  that  the  new  Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alliance,  formed 
in  December,  1920,  excluded  the  textile  workers  indicates, 
however,  that  this  amalgamation  is  not  to  be  immediate. 
The  other  clothing  unions  are  not  yet  ready  to  reach  out 
beyond  the  limits  of  their  own  industry — especially  as  the 
textile  union  with  which  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers  most  desires  closer  relations  is  outside  the  pale 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


271 


of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  Although  the  inclusion  of  the  Amalga- 
mated Clothing  Workers  in  the  Alliance  seemed  essential, 
it  was  felt  that  opposition  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  would  be  in- 
creased by  the  unnecessary  admission  of  another  "outlaw" 
organization.  The  textile  workers,  however,  are  still 
hoping  that  some  form  of  union  with  the  clothing  workers 
may  be  brought  about  in  the  future. 

Forming  of  Federation  of  Textile  Unions 

The  A.  T.  W.  has  also  been  reaching  out  toward  closer 
relations  with  other  textile  unions.     Negotiations  for  an 
exchange  of  membership  cards  with  textile  unions  in  Italy 
and  Poland  have  been  carried  on,  and  recently  a  decided 
step  toward  the  federation  of  textile  unions  in  this  country 
has  been  taken.    In  May,  192 1,  the  A.  T.  W.  called  a  con- 
ference of  all  the  textile  unions  in  the  country  that  were 
outside  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  suggested  that  they  form  an 
amalgamation  with  one  central  headquarters.     The  dele- 
gates from  the  other  unions  were  not  willing  to  go  as  far 
as  this,  but  they  adopted  a  resolution  in  favor  of  federa- 
tion and  cooperation.     The  following  August  a  second 
conference  was  held  and  a  definite  plan  for  an  alliance 
to  be  called  the  Federated  Textile  Unions  of  America  was 
drawn  up  to  submit  to  a  referendum  of  the  membership. 
The  unions  represented  at  this  conference  were  the  Amal- 
gamate Lace  Operatives  of  America  and  the  International 
Mule  Spinners'  Union,  two  organizations  which  had  been 
suspended  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.  in  December,  19 19,  for  re- 
fusing to  affiliate  with  the  United  Textile  Workers;  the 
American  Federation  of  Textile  Operatives,  a  loose  feder- 
ation of  diflFerent  crafts  which  has  been  active  in  a  num- 
ber of  New  England  cities;  the  American  Federation  of 
Full  Fashioned  Hosiery  Workers;  the  Tapestry  Carpet 
Workers;  the  Body  Brussels  Weavers;  the  Associated 


272  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Silk  Workers  of  Paterson ;  and  the  Amalgamated  Textile 
Workers.  Two  other  organizations,  the  National  Asso- 
ciation of  Loomfixers  and  the  Mechanical  Workers'  Union 
of  Amsterdam,  New  York,  were  represented  at  the  May 
conference  but  were  unable  to  send  delegates  in  August. 
At  a  third  gathering  held  early  in  December,  it  was  re- 
ported that  all  these  unions,  with  the  exception  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Full  Fashioned  Hosiery  Workers 
and  the  International  Mule  Spinners'  Union,  which  had 
not  yet  taken  final  action,  had  decided  by  referendum  vote 
to  join  in  forming  the  new  alliance.  The  combined  mem- 
bership of  these  organizations  is  reported  to  be  somewhat 
greater  than  that  of  the  United  Textile  Workers.  The 
drawing  together  of  these  different  bodies,  most  of  which 
are  craft  organizations,  is  an  important  step  in  the  develop- 
ment of  industrial  unionism. 

Constitution 

The  constitution  which  was  ratified  by  the  different 
unions  provides  that  the  federation  is  not  to  interfere  with 
the  autonomy  of  the  various  bodies  but  is  to  give  advice 
and  moral  support  to  them,  help  in  organizing  the  unor- 
ganized and  in  carrying  on  a  campaign  of  education  among 
them,  serve  as  an  agency  for  consultation  on  problems 
arising  in  the  textile  industry,  and  when  necessary  give 
financial  support  to  the  unions  belonging  to  it.  The 
General  Executive  Board,  which  is  made  up  of  two  dele- 
gates from  each  union,  may  levy  assessments  for  the  re- 
lief of  strikers  upon  a  two-thirds  vote,  after  a  strike  on 
the  part  of  one  of  the  affiliated  unions  has  lasted  for  four 
weeks.  The  Board  is  then  to  pay  $5  a  week  for  each 
striker,  though  it  may  stop  doing  so  whenever  a  settlement 
which  it  considers  satisfactory  is  refused  by  the  union 
involved.     Unions  which  desire  the  financial  support  of 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


273 


the  federation  are  expected  to  seek  the  endorsement  of 
the  General  Executive  Board  before  entering  upon  a  strike, 
though  this  requirement  may  be  waived  if  the  Board  sees 
fit.  The  federation  is  to  be  financed  by  means  of  a  small 
per  capita  tax. 

Special  emphasis  is  to  be  placed  by  the  federation  on 
cooperation  upon  the  local  field.  In  accordance  with  this 
principle,  the  Paterson  local  of  the  A.  T.  W.  has  just  given 
up  its  charter  and  joined  the  Associated  Silk  Workers  of 
Paterson,  with  the  full  consent  and  approval  of  its  own 
national  officers.  The  Associated  Silk  Workers  is  an  in- 
dustrial organization  made  up  largely  of  ribbon  and  hat- 
band workers  which  has  a  strong  standing  in  Paterson. 
The  A.  T.  W.  local,  on  the  other  hand,  has  been  practi- 
cally bankrupted  by  the  long  period  of  depression,  which 
has  affected  the  broad  silk  workers  who  make  up  the 
bulk  of  its  membership,  more  seriously  than  it  has  the 
ribbon  and  hat-band  workers  of  the  other  union.  The  offi- 
cials of  the  A.  T.  W.  believe  that  a  strong  industrial  union 
in  Paterson  can  be  built  up  more  effectively  by  merging 
their  local  with  the  Associated  Silk  Workers,  and  hence 
are  willing  to  withdraw  from  that  field  themselves.  Of 
course  the  financial  situation  of  the  union  has  something 
to  do  with  this  decision,  but  it  is  nevertheless  an  interest- 
ing example  of  real  cooperation  for  the  cause  of  industrial 
unionism.  In  Philadelphia  the  independent  textile  unions 
have  cooperated  since  September,  1920,  by  means  of  a 
textile  council,  which  was  formed  at  the  instigation  of  the 
joint  board  of  the  A.  T.  W.  in  that  city.  This  textile 
council  has  undoubtedly  helped  to  pave  the  way  for  feder- 
ation on  a  wider  scale. 

Persistence  of  the  Craft  Spirit 

Although  the  coming  together  of  these  independent  tex- 
tile unions  is  a  significant  move  toward  real  industrial 


274         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

unionism,  the  craft  spirit  is  still  very  strong  in  the  indus- 
try. Even  within  the  A.  T.  W.  some  of  the  most  powerful 
groups  are  on  a  craft  basis,  being  composed  simply  of 
spinners  or  weavers,  though  this  is  contrary  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  organization.    In  Philadelphia  the  A.  T.  W. 
is  practically  only  a  federation  of  strong  crafts  which  have 
inherited  the  ideas  of  the  United  Textile  Workers.    Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Robert  Dunn  who  has  made  a  special  study 
of  the  industry,  the  spirit  of  industrial  unionism  is  per- 
haps stronger  in  the  silk  mills  than  in  cotton  or  woolen 
mills,  since  the  different  processes  are  carried  on  under 
one  roof  and  the  various  types  of  workers  are  thus  more 
closely  associated,  but  on  the  whole  much  of  the  craft  spirit 
remains.     Many  groups  have  split  off  from  the  United 
Textile  Workers,  not  through  interest  in  progressive  in- 
dustrial  unionism,   but   because  of   impatience   with   the 
methods  of  President  Golden  and  the  centralized  control 
of  his  organization.    These  are  not  likely  to  bring  to  the 
new  federation  that  sense  of  solidarity  with  all  workers 
and  that  forward-looking  idealism  which  are  characteris- 
tic of  industrial  unionism  at  its  best.     Nevertheless  the 
presence  of  the  A.  T.  W.  in  the  federation  ought  to  do 
much  to  educate  the  other  bodies  in  the  principles  of  the 
"new  unionism." 

Attitude  of  the  I.  W.  W. 

The  textile  industry  contains  some  industrial  unionism 
of  a  more  extreme  form  than  that  of  the  A.  T.  W.  Both 
branches  of  the  I.  W.  W.  have  organized  textile  workers 
in  some  places,  and  though  their  membership  has  been 
most  unstable  and  they  no  longer  have  any  control  in  the 
industry,  they  have  had  considerable  influence.  The  I. 
W.  W.  Textile  Workers'  Union  in  Paterson,  which  is 
the  only  place  where  an  I.  W.  W.  local  in  the  industry 


THE  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY 


275 


still  exists,  has  fought  the  new  textile  union  with  especial 
vigor,  attacking  it  for  its  conservatism  and  compromise 
and  calling  it  an  "imitation  industrial  union"  led  by  "minis- 
ters, college  boys  and  politicians."    In  1919  the  I.  W.  W. 
local  joined  the  United  Textile  Workers  in  trying  to  break 
the  strike  of  the  workers,  and  circulated  pamphlets  de- 
nouncing the  A.  T.  W.  leaders.    These  denunciations  have 
continued  ever  since.    In  reply  to  a  letter  from  one  of  the 
Amalgamated  officials  inquiring  as  to  the  causes  of  fric- 
tion between  the  two  organizations,  the  Paterson  I.  W.  W. 
stated  that  the  tactics  of  the  A.  T.  W.  in  trying  to  swal- 
low up  their  local  made  cooperation  impossible.    The  fun- 
damental differences  between  the  two  unions,  they  said, 
lay  (i)   in  their  attitude  toward  contracts,  in  regard  to 
which  the  A.  T.  W.  takes  the  "same  reactionary  stand  as 
the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers" ; 
(2)  in  their  attitude  toward  arbitration;  and  (3)  in  the 
degree  of  official  control.®    The  leaders  of  the  A.  T.  W., 
they  claimed,  were  trying  to  form  a  powerful  machine 
to  control  the  rank  and  file,  and  were  "misleading  and  de- 
ceiving the  workers  into  building  up  another  tyrannical 
and  reactionary  machine  like  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers."     Class  conscious  workers  would  soon  regret 
having  followed  them. 

I.  W.  W.  and  A.  T.  W.  Compared 

Mr.  Long,  one  of  the  minister-leaders  of  the  A.  T.  W., 
makes  a  different  comparison  between  his  organization 
and  the  I.  W.  W.  They  have  the  same  ultimate  hope  for 
the  control  of  production  by  the  workers,  and  are  equally 
radical  in  their  philosophy,  he  says;  but  whereas  the  I. 
W.  W.  relies  wholly  on  class  consciousness  and  would  go 
to  pieces  without  it,  the  Amalgamated  takes  in  people 

*  Solidarity,  May  8,  1920. 


276 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


whether  class-conscious  or  not  and  tries  to  make  them  so. 
The  I.  W.  W.  are  "uncompromising  social  idealists,"  so 
uncompromising  that  they  cannot  take  in  many  members 
and  hence  have  little  practical  success  as  a  working  organi- 
zation. Refusing  to  make  contracts,  they  are  unable  to 
secure  the  closed  shop  agreements  which  have  proved  of 
such  advantage  to  other  unions.  The  Amalgamated,  on 
the  other  hand,  relies  not  merely  on  preaching  ideals,  but 
on  organizing  in  effective  fashion  for  bringing  about  eco- 
nomic changes.  In  this  respect  it  shows  a  clearer  under- 
standing of  economic  determinism  than  does  the  I.  W. 
W.  To  quote  from  an  editorial  in  the  New  Textile 
Worker  by  "R.  P.,"  the  "Amalgamated  will  not  be  swerved 
from  its  purpose  by  any  sporadic  or  a  priori  attempts  to 
take  a  short  cut  to  the  goal.  ...  It  has  ideals  in  its  head 
but  keeps  its  feet  on  the  earth,  being  scientifically  grounded 
in  economic  fact ;  it  is  a  strong  and  living  link  between  the 
present  and  the  future."  ^° 


^^  New  Textile  Worker,  Sept.  as,  1920. 


CHAPTER  IX 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM  IN  VARIOUS 
OTHER  INDUSTRIES 

Unions  Considered 

Industrial  unions  which  are  independent  of  the  A.  F. 
of  L.'  have  been  springing  up  with  considerable  rapidity 
recently.  This  study  cannot  attempt  to  describe  them  all, 
but  we  must  mention  a  few  other  examples  in  addition 
to  those  already  considered.  This  chapter,  therefore,  will 
treat  briefly  those  which  have  arisen  in  the  metal,  food, 
tobacco,  automobile,  and  railroad  industries.  Three  of 
them — those  in  the  metal,  food,  and  tobacco  industries — 
were  formed  within  the  last  year  or  two,  so  the  record  of 
their  accomplishments  cannot  be  long.  The  American 
Federation  of  Railroad  Workers  and  the  United  Automo- 
bile, Aircraft  and  Vehicle  Workers  of  America,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  outgrowths  of  old  A.  F.  of  L.  organiza- 
tions, and  have  been  in  existence  for  a  longer  period. 

The  American  Railway  Union 

Various  industrial  unions  have  sprung  up  on  the  rail- 
roads and  then  died  away,  and  most  of  these  will  not  even 
be  mentioned  here,  but  before  considering  the  American 
Federation  of  Railroad  Workers  we  must  say  just  a  word 
about  the  American  Railway  Union  which  was  launched 
by  Eugene  Debs  in  Chicago  in  1893.  Aiming  to  include 
all  railroad  workers,  and  even  those  making  cars  for  use 
on  the  roads,  this  organization  spread  very  rapidly  and 
drew  many  away   from  the  craft  unions.     In    1894  it 

277 


278         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

claimed  150,000  members.^  The  great  Pullman  strike 
which  was  called  by  this  union  in  1894  tied  up  twenty- 
four  roads  centering  in  Chicago  and  caused  much  public 
concern.  It  was  checked  by  the  intervention  of  the 
government,  which  jailed  the  leaders,  and  compelled  the 
men  to  go  back  to  work.  The  loss  of  this  strike  broke 
the  power  of  the  union,  and  though  it  lingered  along  till 
1897  it  was  no  longer  an  important  factor.  The  outlook 
of  this  organization  was  distinctly  radical. 

The  American  Federation  of  Railroad  Workers 

On  the  other  hand,  the  American  Federation  of  Rail- 
road Workers  has  the  reputation  of  being  the  most  con- 
servative of  industrial  unions.  It  was  organized  about 
1900  as  the  International  Association  of  Car  Workers, 
and  affiliated  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.  In  191 1,  however,  it 
refused  to  amalgamate  with  the  Brotherhood  of  Railway 
Carmen,  as  ordered  by  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  withdrew 
from  that  body.  Three  years  later  it  extended  its  juris- 
diction to  include  all  classes  of  railroad  workers,  and 
adopted  its  present  name.  This  action  intensified  the  op- 
position of  the  craft  unions  to  the  seceding  organization, 
and  at  the  second  biennial  convention  of  the  Railroad  Em- 
ployees Department  a  vehement  attack  was  made  upon 
Richardson,  its  president,  charging  him  with  being  more 
in  sympathy  with  the  railroad  officials  than  with  the 
workers.  It  was  ordered  that  no  system  federation  should 
admit  representatives  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Railroad  Workers,  and  an  official  circular  was  issued  de- 
nouncing the  new  organization  for  aiming  to  break  up  the 
forces  of  the  other  unions.  The  antagonism  between  the 
American  Federation  of  Railroad  Workers  and  the  craft 
unions  has  persisted  ever  since.     Much  friction  arose  in 

»  Commons,  and  Associates,  History  of  Labor  in  the   U.  S.,  p.   501. 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


279 


connection  with  the  national  agreement  of  1919  between 
the  Railroad  Employees  Department  and  the  railroad  man- 
agers, covering  all  the  shop  crafts.  The  American  Federa- 
tion of  Railroad  Workers  objected  to  some  of  the  provi- 
sions of  this  agreement,  and  while  the  fight  for  its  reten- 
tion was  still  on,  it  signed  a  separate  contract  with  one  of 
the  railroads  doing  away  with  many  of  the  standards  which 
the  other  unions  were  trying  hard  to  maintain  ^ — much  to 
their  indignation. 

Spirit  of  the  Organization 

The  spirit  of  the  organization  is  indicated  by  a  com- 
munication to  The  Railroad  Worker,  its  official  organ, 
which  spoke  of  the  faith  which  the  members  had  in  the 
officials  of  the  Pennsylvania  Lines  West,  who  were  forced 
against  their  will  to  institute  certain  wage  cuts  ordered 
by  the  national  agreement.  "The  amicable  relations  es- 
tablished between  the  officials  and  members  of  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Railroad  Workers  have  so  cemented 
the  friendship  that  formerly  existed  between  officials  and 
the  men,"  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  swing  any  of  the 
workers  over  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  the  writer  says.^  The 
"declaration  of  principles"  of  the  organization  contains 
the  following  interesting  clause:  "We  contend  that  it  is 
a  sacred  principle  that  union  men  among  all  others  should 
set  a  good  example  as  good  and  faithful  workmen,  per- 
forming their  duties  to  their  employers  with  honor  to 
themselves  and  their  organizations."  The  preamble  to 
the  constitution  states  that  the  interests  of  all  classes  of 
labor  are  identical,  but  declares  that  an  "organization  based 
on  sound  principles  and  directed  by  conservative  intelli- 
gence is  the  best  medium  by  which  we  may  secure  a  more 


'Foster.  The  Railroaders'  Next  Step,  p.  15. 
•  The  Railroad  Worker,  May,  1920,  p.  29, 


^^^''* 


280  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

equitable  share  of  the  wealth  we  create."    The  union  is 
distinctly  opposed  to  strikes,  considering  them  "antiquated 
and  obsolete,''  *  as  one  member  expresses  it,  although  the 
constitution  provides  that  they  may  be  called  on  a  two- 
thirds  vote  of  the  members  and  the  consent  of  the  General 
Executive  Board.    Although  the  ultimate  goal  of  indus- 
trial unionism  is  the  overthrow  of  the  present  system  of 
exploitation,  according  to  one  contributor  to  the  official 
journal,  the  ballot  is  declared  to  be  "the  weapon  of  civili- 
zation" which  is  to  bring  about  a  better  social  order.    "Or- 
ganize not  to  strike  but  to  continue  production  after  the 
majority  have  so  expressed  their  will  at  the  ballot  box," 
he  urges.^     This  emphasis  on  political  rather  than  on 
industrial  action  is  continually  given  by  the  union,  but 
care  is  taken  to  state  that  no  change  in  the  constitution 
or  form  of  government  of  the  country  is  desired.  Although 
political  action  is  approved,  the  most  striking  instance  of 
such  action  for  industrial  ends  on  the  part  of  railroad 
workers  furnished  by  the  Plumb  Plan  campaign  has  not 
been  supported  by  the  union.     In  fact  the  Plumb  Plan 
League  has  been  attacked  as  merely  another  means  of  ex- 
ploiting the   workers   by  getting   money  out   of   them.* 
This  opposition  is  doubtless  due  to  the  general  feeling  of 
hostility   which   the   American    Federation    of    Railroad 
Workers  cherishes  against  everything  done  by  the  other 
railroad  unions,  but  it  indicates  a  certain  blindness  to 
the  necessity  for  united  action  if  the  workers  are  to  accom- 
plish anything  by  political  means. 

Membership  and  Structure 

The  organization  is  continually  preaching  the  futility 
of  craft  unionism  and  the  necessity  of  uniting  along  in- 

*  The  Railroad  Worker,  August,  1920,  p.  30. 
'Ibid.,   December,    1920,   p.    30. 

•  The  Railroad  Worker,  January,  1930,  p.  42, 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


281 


dustrial  lines.  Nevertheless  it  lacks  the  broad  provisions 
of  many  industrial  unions  which  ignore  differences  of  race 
and  nationality.  It  has  formed  an  affiliated  body  known 
as  the  Colored  Railroad  Workers'  Union,  but  its  own 
membership  is  limited  to  white  workers,  and  hot  resent- 
ment was  caused  among  some  of  its  members  by  an  organ- 
izer of  the  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Carmen  who  urged 
the  inclusion  of  negro  workers  and  foreigners  in  the 
same  organization  with  other  workers.^  The  American 
Federation  of  Railroad  Workers  prides  itself  on  being 
the  only  industrial  union  upon  the  railroads  which  has 
succeeded,  but  the  success  which  it  has  attained  is  small 
in  comparison  with  that  of  the  craft  organizations.  It  has 
a  membership  of  between  25,000  and  27,000,  found  on  the 
Reading,  Boston  and  Maine,  New  York  Central,  and 
various  other  railroads,  according  to  President  Richard- 
son. The  members  are  organized  in  lodges,  sometimes 
made  up  of  workers  from  different  departments  and 
sometimes  from  a  single  department  of  the  railroad  indus- 
try. If  two  or  more  lodges  exist  on  a  system  they  form 
a  railroad  workers'  system  council  to  insure  joint  action. 
Each  lodge  has  an  advisory  council,  which  seeks  to  adjust 
all  difficulties  which  arise.  The  initiation  fees  are  kept 
low  in  order  to  encourage  workers  to  join,  being  $1.50 
for  those  joining  within  fifteen  days  after  the  formation 
of  a  lodge,  $2  for  those  coming  in  in  less  than  a  month, 
and  $3  for  those  joining  later.  In  the  matter  of  low  fees 
the  organization  is  thus  following  the  usual  policy  of 
industrial  unions. 

The     United     Automobile,     Aircraft,     and     Vehicle 
Workers  of  America 

The  United  Automobile,  Aircraft,  and  Vehicle  Work- 
ers of  America  is  an  outgrowth  of   the   Carriage  and 


'  Ibid.,  May,   1920,  pp.  26-27. 


282 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Wagon  Workers'  International  Union,  which  was  organ- 
ized m  1891  on  an  industrial  basis.    In  1909  its  name  was 
changed  to  the  Carriage,  Wagon  and  Automobile  Workers' 
International  Union;  and  in  1918  the  present  title  was 
adopted,  and  the  jurisdiction  extended  to  include  aircraft 
workers      Until  1918  the  union  was  affiliated  with  the 
A.  F.  of  L.    According  to  figures  given  by  its  president 
in  the  spnng  of  1921.  it  has  a  membership  of  between 
35,000  and  50,000.     The  largest  of  its  thirty-four  locals 
are  m  Detroit,  New  York,  and  Chicago,  and  the  rest  of 
them  are  scattered  from  coast  to  coast  in  some  twenty- 
three  different  states.    Its  growth  has  been  specially  rapid 
since  1918.    In  some  centers-such  as  New  York,  where 
the  forty-four  hour  week,  abolition  of  piece-work,  and  a 
decided  increase  in  wages  were  won  after  a  long  strike  in 
I9i9~the  union  has  had  great  success;  but  as  the  industry 
employs  several  hundred  thousand  workers  the  actual  task 
of  organization  has  only  begun.    The  union  includes  auto- 
mobile, aircraft,  tire,  motor  cycle,  tractor,  carriage,  wagon, 
sleigh,  and  cutter  workers.     Besides  these,  a  few  other 
groups  which  have  no  direct  connection  with  the  industry 
have  been  admitted.    In  Grand  Rapids  a  group  of  furni- 
ture workers  asked  permission  to  join,  as  they  thought 
the  form  of  organization  of  the  union  superior  to  any- 
thing else.     They  were  admitted  to  the  Grand   Rapids 
local  on  condition  that  they  meet   separately   from   the 
others,   and    leave   in   the   treasury   all    money   paid    in 
If  they  decide  to  withdraw  later.     In  Detroit  a  group  of 
mattress  workers  came  in  on  the  same  conditions,  and 
at  the  1920  convention  it  was  reported  that  the  milk  wagon 
drivers  of  Detroit  were  considering  doing  the  same  thing  « 
A  resolution  was  introduced  at  the  convention  forbidding 

V.  W:''TArs^tcmlS?r%.;{  tst!'  ''*"'*^   convention,    U.    A.   A.   ft 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


283 


the  admission  of  such  workers,  but  it  was  finally  decided 
to  leave  the  matter  to  the  discretion  of  the  General 
Executive  Board  and  the  local  concerned.  In  including 
workers  so  far  removed  from  its  natural  jurisdiction,  the 
union  is  doing  something  which  is  without  precedent  and 
seems  to  have  little  logical  justification,  unless  it  aims 
to  develop  into  an  all-inclusive  organization.  The  union 
includes  workers  in  all  occupations  in  the  industry,  skilled 
and  unskilled,  but  as  the  majority  of  those  in  the  industry 
are  skilled,  of  course  the  same  thing  is  true  in  the  union. 
Certain  unskilled  workers,  such  as  porters,  are  not  forced 
to  join  even  when  working  in  union  shops,  though  a  few 
of  them  do.  Sex,  color,  and  nationality  furnish  no  barrier 
to  membership. 

Jurisdictional  Difficulties 

Like  all  other  industrial  unions,  the  organization  has 
been  interfered  with  to  a  considerable  extent  by  the 
international  craft  unions.  The  continual  jurisdictional 
disputes  with  the  Carpenters  and  Joiners,  the  Blacksmiths, 
the  Painters  and  Decorators,  and  the  Upholsterers  retarded 
the  growth  of  the  union,  and  were  the  principal  cause 
for  its  separation  from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  An  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  Executive  Council  of  the  Federation  was 
made  in  March,  1920,  to  bring  about  a  conference  be- 
tween these  four  unions  and  the  automobile  workers* 
organization  (which  was  still  addressed  by  its  old  name 
of  International  Union  of  Carriage  and  Wagon  Workers) 
to  consider  the  chartering  of  certain  locals  of  carriage 
and  wagon  workers,  but  the  automobile  workers  firmly 
refused  to  meet  with  them  on  the  ground  that  it  had 
always  proved  impossible  to  come  to  any  understanding 
with  these  Internationals.®    The  union  has  also  had  fric- 


XT    «9^*?^'**'*L  Proceedings  of   the   6th  Biennial   Convention,   U.   A.   A.   ft 
V.  W.  of  A.,  September,  1920,  p.  38. 


i 


284  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

tion  with  the  Machinists,  who  have  tried  to  prejudice 
the  men  in  garage  and  repair  shops  against  it  on  the 
ground  of  its  radicaHsm.  The  A.  F.  of  L.  has  fought 
the  organization  in  many  ways  since  its  withdrawal.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  automobile  workers  declare  in  one  of 
their  leaflets  that  the  A.  F.  of  L.  is  "so  safe  and  sane 
that  it  leans  over  backwards  in  its  efforts  to  protect  the 
employers,  and  hence  has  lost  all  usefulness  to  workers 
who  really  want  to  elevate  their  condition  from  that  of 
wage  slavery  to  industrial  freedom.  .  .  .  We  got  out 
of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  because  it  was  no  longer  possible  to 
be  a  real  labor  union  in  any  sense  of  the  word  and  stay 
in  it."  The  general  philosophy  and  tactics  of  the  union 
will  be  discussed  more  fully  later  in  the  chapter,  in  con- 
nection with  those  of  the  other  unions  in  this  group. 

The  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers 

The  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers  of  America,  the 
next  union  we  are  to  consider,  was  formed  by  a  radical 
group  which  seceded  from  the  International  Association 
of  Machinists.  In  November,  1919,  the  New  York  dis- 
trict of  the  I.  A.  of  M.  elected  officials  belonging  to  this 
group.  In  a  very  short  time,  however,  the  Grand  Lodge 
took  steps  to  eliminate  them  from  the  organization  by 
bringing  certain  charges  against  them,  and  succeeded  in  ex- 
pelling them  on  the  ground  that  they  had  misused  union 
funds  by  paying  strike  benefits  to  men  who  did  not  belong 
to  the  union.  This  action  on  the  i)art  of  the  Grand 
Lodge  was  interpreted  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  mem- 
bership in  the  New  York  district  as  a  direct  attack  upon 
the  progressive  element,  and  as  a  result  about  50  per  cent 
of  the  New  York  members  withdrew  from  the  I.  A.  of 
M.  in  March  and  formed  a  new  organization.  Two  locals 
went  over  in  a  body;  three  others  lost  about  60  per  cent 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


28s 


of  their  members  to  the  new  union,  and  three  about  40 
per  cent,  according  to  Mr.  Kelley,  secretary-treasurer  of 
the  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers.  The  expelled  officers 
had  not  favored  a  split  in  the  first  place,  but  the  progress 
of  events  made  it  seem  inevitable.  In  June,  1920,  the 
Brotherhood  of  Metal  Workers,  an  independent  organiza- 
tion, united  with  the  seceding  locals  under  the  name  of 
the  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers  of  America.  This  new 
association  was  organized  on  industrial  lines  and  aimed 
to  include  eventually  all  kinds  of  machinery  and  metal 
workers — boilermakers,  tinsmiths,  blacksmiths,  etc.  The 
organization  spread  rather  rapidly,  and  by  the  end  of 
1920  had  about  12,000  members,  double  the  number  that 
it  had  in  March.  Twenty-seven  locals  had  been  formed, 
divided  into  seven  districts  with  headquarters  in  the  fol- 
lowing cities:  New  York,  Rochester,  Newark,  Trenton, 
Bridgeport,  Cleveland,  and  Detroit.  Some  of  the  locals, 
or  lodges  as  they  are  called,  are  formed  on  the  nationality 
basis  (Italian,  Polish,  Hungarian,  Spanish,  Czecho-Slo- 
vak),  some  on  the  geographical,  and  some  on  the  craft 
basis.  Lodges  may  not  be  formed  on  the  craft  basis 
unless  approved  by  the  district  council,  however. 


Spirit  of  Democracy 

At  its  first  convention  held  in  December,  1920,  a 
constitution  was  adopted,  based  on  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple that  the  rank  and  file  should  control  all  the  activities 
of  the  union  and  providing  for  a  shop  steward  system 
in  order  to  ensure  this.  One  of  the  complaints  which 
the  members  of  the  new  organization  made  against  the 
International  Association  of  Machinists  was  that  the 
Grand  Lodge  officials  had  complete  control  of  the  policy 
of  the  union  and  ruled  its  conventions  with  an  iron  hand. 
According  to  The  Metal  Worker,  official  organ  of  the 


386 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


!^Hb 


new  body,  there  were  loud  murmurings  among  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  machinists,  before  their  convention  of  Sep- 
tember, 1920,  demanding  the  adoption  of  the  industrial 
form  of  organization,  but  the  "reactionary  machine"  killed 
all  measures  advocating  such  a  change,  as  the  progressive 
elements  in  the  union  were  not  sufficiently  united  to  make 
their  will  felt.^°  A  motion  providing  that  all  members 
of  committees  be  chosen  from  a  slate  of  nominees  put 
up  by  the  executive  officers  was  condemned  by  the  seceders 
as  a  further  indication  of  the  impossibility  of  escaping 
from  official  dictation.  In  their  new  constitution  the 
Amalgamated  Metal  Workers  aimed  to  make  any  such 
domination  by  officials  impossible.  They  declared  the 
whole  convention  of  the  machinists  to  be  conclusive  proof 
that  it  was  hopeless  to  expect  progress  from  an  A.  F. 
of  L.  union.  This  sweeping  condemnation  is  all  the  more 
significant  when  one  notes  the  various  steps  which  have 
been  taken  by  the  machinists  in  developing  the  referen- 
dum, establishing  a  cooperative  bank,  advocating  govern- 
ment ownership  of  railroads,  and  even  extending  greet- 
ings to  Soviet  Russia.  They  are  still  led  by  the  same 
president  who  at  the  convention  of  the  Railroad  Em- 
ployee Department  in  191 4  spoke  warmly  in  favor  of 
the  development  of  industrial  unionism.  The  platform 
of  the  machinists*  union  states  that  one  of  its  aims  is 
to  "adapt  and  carry  out  a  plan  of  cooperation  with  other 
crafts,  with  the  ultimate  purpose  of  amalgamating  all 
metal  trades,"  and  a  resolution  adopted  at  the  1920  con- 
vention advocated  a  campaign  of  education  to  bring  alx)ut 
such  an  amalgamation."  The  group  which  seceded  from 
the  organization  desires  something  much  more  radical 
than  the  majority  of  the  union  are  yet  ready  to  adopt, 
however. 


"  The  Metal  Worker,  October,  igao,  p.  a. 

^^  Machinijts'  Monthly  Journal,  Vol.  3a,  p.  ma. 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


287 


Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  Industries 

The  International  Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food 
Industries  was  organized  in  May,  1920,  at  a  joint  con- 
vention held  by  the  International  Federation  of  Workers 
in  the  Hotel,  Restaurant,  Lunchroom,  Club  and  Catering 
Industries  and  a  group  of  Journeymen  Bakers  and  Confec- 
tioners. In  1910  an  independent  organization  of  hotel 
workers  was  formed  in  New  York,  but  soon  died  down. 
In  1916  it  was  reorganized,  however,  and  held  its  first 
convention  the  following  year.  In  1918  it  extended  its 
jurisdiction  to  include  the  restaurant  and  lunchroom 
workers  and  adopted  the  name  of  International  Federa- 
tion of  Workers  in  the  Hotel,  Restaurant,  Lunchroom, 
Club  and  Catering  Industries.  Two  years  later  a  large 
New  York  local  of  the  Journeymen  Bakers  and  Con- 
fectioners' Union  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  had  been  sus- 
pended about  seven  years  before  and  had  remained  inde- 
pendent ever  since,  joined  with  this  Federation  in  form- 
ing the  present  organization.  When  the  Bakers'  local 
left  the  A.  F.  of  L.  organization  it  changed  from  a  craft 
to  an  industrial  basis,  and  more  than  doubled  its  member- 
ship as  a  result  of  this  broadening  of  its  jurisdiction.  In 
March,  192 1,  there  were  six  locals  of  bakers  in  or  near 
New  York  and  one  local  in  Cleveland  affiliated  with  the 
International  Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  Indus- 
tries. Branches  of  hotel  workers  had  been  formed  in 
Philadelphia,  Atlantic  City,  Chicago,  Boston,  and  a  few 
other  places,  but  the  largest  one  was  in  New  York  City, 
which  had  about  5,400  members  and  had  secured  the 
closed  shop  in  several  of  the  large  hotels.  The  workers 
in  the  more  expensive  restaurants  are  included  in  the 
hotel  workers'  branch,  while  those  in  the  cheaper  ones 
are  organized  in  the  restaurant  and  lunchroom  workers' 
branch.    The  new  union  hopes  eventually  to  combine  all 


I 


f 


288  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

workers  who  are  in  any  way  connected  with  the  handh'ng 
and   serving  of   food — butchers,   bakers,   cooks,   waiters, 
kitchen  helpers,  grocery  clerks,  delivery  boys  and  drivers, 
and  all  others  who  have  to  do  with  foodstuffs,  regardless 
of  skill,  sex,  or  race.    One  or  two  locals  of  butchers  have 
been  formed  already,  and  a  few  others  which  are  inde- 
pendently   organized    are    considering    joining    the    new 
organization.    The  membership  of  the  union  in  the  spring 
of  1 92 1  was  reported  by  the  general  secretary  to  be  over 
12,000.      It    includes    Italians,    French,    Germans,   Jews, 
Poles,    Ukranians,    and    other    nationalities,    as    well    as 
negroes.     Separate  meetings  for  these  different  nationali- 
ties are  occasionally  held.     That  these  different  groups 
do  not  always  get  along  together  with  that  peace  and 
harmony  which  might  be  desired  is  indicated  by  a  corre- 
spondent  in  the  official   journal   who  complains   of   the 
prejudices  and  friction  that  exist  among  them.     A  new 
spirit  of  brotherhood  and  internationalism,  in  place  of  the 
present  scrabble  for  money  and  j^ersonal  advantage,  seems 
to  him  very  necessary. ^^    The  union  has  of  course  come 
into  conflict  with  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which  has  organized 
cooks  and  waiters  and  certain  other  types  of  food  workers 
into  separate  craft  unions  to  some  extent,  and  its  opposi- 
tion has  caused  some  branches  of  the  organization  a  hard 
struggle.     The  Restaurant  and  Lunchroom  Workers  of 
the  Amalgamated  Food   Industries  in   New  York  claim 
that  the  A.  F.  of  L.  organization  has  delil)erately  offered 
its  members  to  the  bosses  for  a  lower  wage  in  order  to 
displace  the  members  of  its  rival,  and  hence  has  a  much 
larger   following  in  the  cheap  restaurants  than  has  the 
newer  union. ^^     On  the  other   hand,  some  locals   have 
broken  away   from  the  A.   F.  of   L.  organizations  and 
joined  the  Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  Industries. 


^*  Free  Voice,  Mar.   15,   1921. 
"Ibid.,  Feb.  1,  1921. 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


289 


The  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers 

The  last  union  which  we  are  to  consider  in  this  group 
— the  youngest  and  the  smallest  of  them — is  the  Amalga- 
mated Tobacco  Workers  of  America,  which  was  formed 
in  December,  1920.  The  serious  depression  in  the 
industry,  and  the  lockout  in  New  York  which  began 
early  in  that  winter,  have  made  the  task  of  organization 
very  difficult,  and  many  who  joined  the  union  in  the  first 
place  have  been  forced  to  drop  out,  so  the  present  mem- 
bership figures  give  little  indication  of  the  potential 
strength  of  the  new  body.  In  March,  192 1,  the  business 
agent  of  the  New  York  local  reported  that  the  organization 
had  about  2,000  members  in  New  York,  and  4,000  in 
the  whole  country,  distributed  in  ten  locals.  Two  months 
later  he  admitted  a  decrease  of  over  a  thousand  in  the 
New  York  membership,  due  to  the  lack  of  work,  but 
expressed  confidence  that  rapid  growth  would  follow 
an  improvement  in  industrial  conditions.  The  significance 
of  this  body  lies  not  in  its  size  but  in  its  ideals  and  aims. 
It  resulted  from  the  merging  of  various  groups,  some  of 
which  had  seceded  from  the  Cigar  Makers*  International 
Union  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  and  some  of  which  had  been 
independent.  Most  important  of  these  groups  was  the  Shop 
Chairmen's  Institution  of  Greater  New  York  and  Vicin- 
ity, which  was  formed  after  the  general  strike  in  the  in- 
dustry in  1919,  to  protect  the  interests  of  all  cigar  workers 
regardless  of  affiliation.  In  this  strike,  which  was  a  spon- 
taneous rank  and  file  movement,  members  of  the  C.  M. 
I.  U.  had  gone  out  with  the  others,  but  the  great  mass 
of  the  strikers  were  unorganized  workers.  The  Shop 
Chairmen's  Institution,  which  was  largely  made  up  of 
workers  who  had  not  previously  been  organized,  declared 
repeatedly  that  it  was  not  formed  to  fight  the  C.  M. 
I.  U.,  but  to  unite  all  workers  in  the  industry  on  a  shop  ' 


1 


19 


m\ 


m 


290  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

basis  and  put  entire  control  of  shop  affairs  in  the  hands 
of  the  rank  and  file.  Many  of  its  meml)ers  at  first 
wanted  the  organization  to  become  a  part  of  the  C.  M. 
I.  U.,  but  such  disappointment  was  felt  over  what  they 
considered  the  lack  of  liberalism  shown  at  the  1920  con- 
vention of  that  union  that  they  decided  it  was  useless 
to  affiliate  with  such  a  reactionary  body. 

Desire  for  New  Organization 

In  November,  1920,  a  manifesto  was  issued  by  the 
Shop  Chairmen's  Institution,  summoning  cigar  workers 
from  all  over  the  country  to  meet  in  convention  early  in 
December  to  consider  the  problem  of  organizing  the 
masses  of  unorganized  workers  in  the  industry.  This 
manifesto  pointed  out  that  only  a  small  proportion  of 
the  cigar  workers  in  the  country  were  organized,  even 
after  forty  years  of  effort  on  the  part  of  the  C.  M.  I.  U., 
and  declared  that  this  was  largely  due  to  the  failure  to 
realize  the  significance  of  the  introduction  of  machinery 
into  the  trade.  "Just  because  we  have  stubbornly  clung 
to  the  conservative  idea  in  trying  to  stave  off  machinery, 
considering  ourselves  aristocrats  of  the  trade,  we  have 
failed  to  organize  the  integral  elements  in  our  industry, 
the  strippers,  binders,  casers,  selectors,  etc. — workers  that 
are  essential  in  the  composition  of  a  really  effective 
industrial  organization."  The  introduction  of  machinery 
has  caused  the  flocking  of  thousands  of  new  workers  into 
the  trade,  and  with  this  influx  the  percentage  of  organized 
workers  in  the  industry  has  grown  smaller — because  of 
the  indifference  of  the  C.  M.  I.  U.  officials  toward  them, 
the   shop   chairman   declared.**     When   the   union   was 

"  The  Cigar  Worker  (organ  of  the  Shop  Chairmen's  Institution),  Nov.  6. 
1920,  p.  3. 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


291 


organized  hand-work  was  the  prevailing  system  in  the 
industry,  though  molds  were  just  beginning  to  be  used. 
Since  then  the  use  of  machines  has  increased  steadily, 
resulting  in  the  use  of  cheap  unskilled  labor,  a  large  pro- 
portion of  which  is  that  of  women.  The  union  has  organ- 
ized a  large  majority  of  the  hand  workers  and  mold 
workers,  but  the  mass  of  the  bunch  breakers,  rollers,  and 
packers  are  non-union."  The  C.  M.  I.  U.  claims  juris- 
diction over  all  persons  in  the  cigar  and  tobacco  industry 
who  are  not  entitled  to  join  other  A.  F.  of  L.  unions, 
but  by  the  admission  of  its  own  president  it  has  not 
enrolled  much  more  than  one-third  of  them — whether 
through  indifference  or  through  the  inherent  difficulties 
of  the  situation,  it  is  hard  to  say.  The  shop  chairmen 
criticized  it  not  only  for  failing  to  organize  the  great 
mass  of  workers  in  the  industry,  but  also  for  paying 
more  attention  to  maintaining  sick  and  death  benefits  than 
to  improving  working  conditions.  The  union  had  thus 
become  "a  lifeless  organization  for  the  purpose  of  bury- 
ing its  dead  and  not  to  uplift  the  living  in  the  industry," 
the  manifesto  declared.  The  insurgent  group  claimed 
that  these  sick  and  death  benefits  were  a  serious  menace 
to  the  welfare  of  the  organization,  as  the  officials  were 
so  eager  to  maintain  adequate  funds  for  such  purposes 
that  they  were  afraid  of  having  to  pay  for  strikes  and 
hence  discouraged  all  efforts  for  economic  betterment.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  the  C.  M.  I.  U.  spent  nearly  $200,000 
more  for  its  sick  and  death  benefits  during  1919  than 
for  its  strike  activities,*^  so  there  may  be  some  cause 
for  this  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  shop  chairmen. 


IS 


"  Cigar  Makers'  Official  Journal,  November,  1920. 


t 


393 


INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 


Forming  of  the  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers 

At  the  convention  called  by  the  Shop  Chairmen's 
Institution  in  December,  which  was  attended  by  delegates 
from  Chicago,  Philadelphia,  Reading,  Porto  Rico,  and 
a  few  other  places  where  locals  had  already  seceded  from 
the  C.  M.  I.  U.,  as  well  as  from  New  York,  a  new 
organization  known  as  the  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers 
of  America  was  born.  To  be  sure  the  name  had  previously 
been  taken  by  a  Pennsylvania  local  which  had  withdrawn 
from  the  C.  M.  I.  U.,  but  with  the  merging  of  the 
different  groups  of  "progressives"  it  was  adopted  by  the 
united  body.  The  official  journal  of  the  C.  M.  I.  U. 
reported  that  the  convention  ended  in  a  "blaze  of  con- 
fusion" after  three  days  of  dissension.  It  is  undoubtedly 
true  that  there  was  considerable  difference  of  opinion 
manifested  by  the  delegates,  both  as  to  the  question  of 
forming  a  new  organization  and  as  to  the  constitution 
that  was  to  be  adopted,  but  this  characterization  seems 
somewhat  of  an  exaggeration.  A  few  articles  of  the 
proposed  constitution  were  adopted,  as  well  as  various 
resolutions,  but  it  was  decided  on  the  fourth  day  to 
appoint  a  provisional  committee  of  five  for  a  term  of 
two  months  to  work  out  further  details  of  the  constitu- 
tion and  to  carry  on  the  preliminary  work  of  organiza- 
tion. The  opposition  to  the  proposed  plan  of  organization 
had  come  largely  from  the  Spanish  delegates,  who  felt 
the  informal  Shop  Chairmen's  Institution  was  all  that 
was  necessary.  A  referendum  which  was  held  somewhat 
later  resulted  in  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  constitution 
and  the  election  of  a  staff  of  national  officers.  The  new 
organization  aims  to  include  not  merely  cigar,  cigarette, 
and  stogie  makers,  and  others  who  are  claimed  by  the 
C.  M.  I.  U.,  but  also  box  makers,  clerks  in  cigar  stores, 
and  office  help.    In  a  separate  department  of  the  union 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


293 


are  to  be  all  tobacco  workers,  including  those  in  the  fields 
and  warehouses  (many  of  whom  are  now  claimed  by 
the  International  Tobacco  Workers'  Union  of  the  A.  F. 
of  L.),  and  all  engineers,  firemen,  and  other  workers  con- 
nected with  the  preparation  of  tobacco.  All  workers  in 
the  industry  in  one  place  are  organized  in  the  same  local. 
The  statement  of  aims  of  the  union  includes  the  follow- 
ing provision:  "Shop  unity  being  necessary  to  protect 
the  interests  of  the  workers,  we  will  allow  paid-up  mem- 
bers of  other  unions  to  work  in  shops  controlled  by  our 
members  as  long  as  they  agree  to  uphold  the  Bill  of  Rights 
and  shop  conditions"  which  have  been  established.  The 
union  is  thus  trying  to  carry  out  the  original  principles 
of  the  Shop  Chairmen's  Institution  which  put  greater 
emphasis  upon  cooperation  in  the  shop  than  upon  na- 
tional affiliation. 

Philosophy  of  the  Unions 

Having  briefly  sketched  the  history  of  these  industrial 
unions  we  must  now  consider  their  characteristics  in  some- 
what greater  detail.  As  the  last  four — ^those  in  the  auto- 
mobile, metal,  food,  and  tobacco  industries — are  very 
similar  in  structure  and  philosophy,  it  seems  wise  to  treat 
them  as  a  group,  omitting  the  American  Federation  of 
Railroad  Workers  from  further  discussion.  All  four  of 
them  are  distinctly  class  conscious.  Their  preambles 
emphasize  the  struggle  between  the  small  non-producing 
class  which  is  able  to  amass  millions  and  the  large  pro- 
ducing class  of  workers — the  "only  useful  class  in  society" 
— which  can  eke  out  only  a  bare  existence.  There  can 
be  no  peace  in  industry  as  long  as  this  system  of  distribu- 
tion exists,  the  auto  workers  maintain.  The  preamble  of 
the  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers  states: 


^94         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

It  is  through  the  direct  efforts  of  the  workers  themselves, 
economically  and  politically  united  as  a  class,  conscious  of  its 
rights,  aware  of  its  strength,  determined  to  resist  wrong  at  every 
step,  that  the  workers  can  achieve  their  own  emancipation.  That 
can  only  be  done  by  an  organization  formed  in  such  a  way  that 
all  the  members  in  the  tobacco  industry,  if  necessary,  cease  work 
whenever  a  strike  or  lockout  is  on  in  any  department  thereof,  thus 
making  an  injury  to  one  the  concern  of  all. 

The  metal  workers  declare :  "We  must  abolish  the  profit 
system  and  establish  instead  a  social  system  wherein  the 
industries  shall  be  owned  and  controlled  by  those  who 
toil,  and  wherein  no  man  shall  live  by  the  exploitation  of 
another."  To  that  end  the  workers  must  be  educated 
as  to  the  causes  of  the  existing  evils  of  society,  so  that 
they  may  "develop  the  necessary  strength  to  enforce  the 
principle  of  *A11  Power  to  the  Workers/  "  The  metal 
workers  therefore  pledge  themselves  to  work  for  the  in- 
dustrial emancipation  of  the  workers  so  that  they  may 
receive  the  full  product  of  their  labor.  The  building  up 
of  a  powerful  industrial  union  is  to  be  the  means  of 
gaining  not  only  minor  benefits  such  as  equal  pay  for 
equal  work,  and  hours  that  are  as  short  as  is  "consistent 
with  the  necessities  of  production,"  but  also  the  ultimate 
ownership  of  industry  by  the  working  class.  The  metal 
workers  hold  that  although  the  liberation  of  the  workers 
can  only  be  achieved  by  abolishing  the  capitalist  system 
and  establishing  "a  government  of  the  workers  by  the 
workers,  and  for  the  workers,"  they  have  no  faith  in  the 
method  of  political  action  for  bringing  it  about.  Labor 
must  be  educated  to  see  that  the  ballot  "is  the  capitalists* 
tool  by  which  they  rule  and  control  the  workers,  using 
it  as  a  means  of  maintaining  themselves  in  power;  and 
that  it  may  be  used  by  the  workers  at  this  time  only 
as  a  means  of  propaganda  and  not  as  a  means  of  liberating 
themselves  from  capitalist  bondage."     The  International 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


29S 


Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  Industries  point  out 
the  sharp  antagonism  in  interest  between  the  owners  of 
industry  and  the  workers,  and  declare  that  "all  inventions 
instead  of  being  used  to  lighten  the  burden  of  the  labor- 
ing masses,  as  they  would  be  if  they  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  working  class,  are  used  by  the  capitalist  class  to 
intensify  the  exploitation  of  the  working  class."  There- 
fore the  food  workers  seek  by  means  of  their  industrial 
union  to  "cooperate  with  all  other  workers  who  struggle 
for  the  abolition  of  the  wage  system  and  the  complete 
emancipation  of  labor." 

Attitude  toward  Agreements  with  Employers 

The  radical  philosophy  of  these  unions  manifests 
itself  to  some  extent  in  their  tactics  as  well  as  in  their 
preambles.  Both  the  food  workers  and  the  tobacco 
workers  have  constitutional  provisions  forbidding  the 
signing  of  contracts  with  employers.  The  automobile 
workers  at  their  last  convention  (in  September,  1920) 
passed  a  resolution  stating  that  "we  go  on  record  as  being 
opposed  to  signed  agreements  with  employers  and  advise 
local  unions  against  the  same  wherever  possible."  Their 
constitution  still  permits  such  agreements,  however,  pro- 
vided they  are  first  submitted  to  the  General  Executive 
Board  for  endorsement.  The  Board  may  modify  them  if 
it  considers  their  provisions  inopportune  or  unsatisfactory. 
Union  shop  agreements  are  still  made  by  some  of  the 
smaller  locals,  where  custom  or  special  work  is  the  rule, 
where  repair  work  predominates,  or  where  the  employer 
wishes  to  use  the  union  label,  but  the  general  policy  of 
the  union  is  to  discourage  them.  The  reason  for  this, 
according  to  President  Logan,  is  that  the  agreement  has 
been  found  to  be  "detrimental  to  the  morale  of  the  organ- 
ization, inasmuch  as  it  makes  the  workers  depend  more 


.  1 


296  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

or  less  upon  the  employer  to  compel  those  who  are  hired 
to  join  the  organization;  or  in  other  words,  it  has  a 
tendency  to  influence  the  workers  to  lean  upon  the  agree- 
ment as  a  crutch  and  thereby  spoil  their  self-reliance." 
Another  reason  for  this  policy  is  that  with  changing  con- 
ditions, a  fixed  contract  may  cause  the  workers  to  remain 
under  conditions  which  they  consider  unjust.  At  the 
convention  one  delegate  declared  that  the  employer  might 
break  an  agreement  whenever  he  saw  fit.  but  if  the 
workers  did  so  the  press  would  use  the  fact  as  propaganda 
against  the  union.  If  the  union  was  strong  enough,  an 
agreement  was  unnecessary. 

Attempted  Substitutes  for  Strikes 

In  spite  of  their  radical  preamble  and  their  opposition  to 
signed  agreements,  the  Automobile,  Aircraft,  and  Vehicle 
Workers  believe  in  arbitration  and  conciliation,  and  seek 
to  substitute  them  for  strikes  as  a  method  of  settling  dis- 
putes.    If  any  contracts  are  made,  the  constitution  re- 
quires that  they  contain  a  clause  providing  for  arbitration. 
Every  possible  means  must  be  taken  to  avoid  strikes.    The 
General  Executive  Board  must  be  notified  of  any  new 
demands,  or  any  decision  on  the  part  of  a  local  to  resist 
reductions  in  wages  or  lowering  of  working  standards,  be- 
fore any  action  is  taken.    If  a  strike  seems  likely  to  occur, 
the  president  must  personally  or  by  proxy  endeavor  to 
adjust  the  difficulty.    No  local  may  take  part  in  a  sympa- 
thetic strike  till  after  a  thorough  investigation  has  been 
made  by  the  General  Executive  Board,  and  its  sanction 
given ;  and  no  financial  support  may  be  given  to  any  strike 
which  has  not  been  endorsed  by  the  Board.    As  in  other 
unions,   however,  unauthorized  strikes  occasionally  take 
place.    At  the  last  convention  one  of  the  organizers  re- 
ported such  a  strike  on  the  part  of  a  shop  unit  in  Cleve- 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


297 


land,  which  was  supported  by  the  local  union  without 
referring  the  case  to  the  general  officers,  on  the  ground 
that  the  local  did  not  need  any  general  president  or  or- 
ganizer to  tell  it  what  to  do  or  what  not  to  do.  In  spite 
of  this  unconstitutional  proceeding,  the  national  organizer 
helped  with  the  conduct  of  the  strike  after  it  had  begun. 

Conflicting  Tendencies 

There  is  evidently  an  element  in  the  organization 
which  has  been  urging  locals  to  "go  it  alone"  in  disregard 
of  the  advice  of  the  higher  officials.  This  fact,  combined 
with  the  habit  of  viewing  industrial  matters  from  a  narrow 
local  standpoint,  has  Worked  against  the  success  of  the 
organization  in  some  cases.  Several  reasons  for  this 
tendency  were  given  by  Organizer  Blumenberg  at  the  1920 
convention.  In  the  first  place,  the  union's  power  of 
assimilation  had  not  kept  pace  with  its  growth,  and  hence 
there  were  divergent  elements  within  it.  On  the  one 
hand,  there  was  a  spirit  of  individualism  developed  by  the 
nature  of  piece-work  conditions  in  the  industry  which 
made  it  difficult  to  foster  the  idea  of  collective  action. 
On  the  other  hand,  certain  members  of  disrupted  propa- 
ganda organizations,  full  of  zeal  but  without  much  sense 
of  responsibility,  had  entered  into  the  union  and  were 
doing  harm.  Progressive  unions  like  that  of  the  auto- 
mobile workers  should  not  try  to  make  advances  too  far 
in  the  lead  of  the  general  army  of  labor,  or  model  their 
tactics  after  those  that  have  proved  successful  in  Europe, 
without  regard  for  the  diflFerences  in  psychology  and  in- 
dustrial development,  declared  Mr.  Blumenberg — though 
he  admitted  that  radicals  when  guided  by  practical  con- 
siderations had  done  much  to  advance  the  interests  of  the 
union.  Although  the  standard  of  intelligence  in  the  union 
was  comparatively  high,  there  was  need  for  more  educa- 


m 


298  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

tion  among  the  members  in  regard  to  the  labor  movement 
and  the  whole  industrial  system  so  that  there  might  be 
fewer  ill-advised  strikes  and  greater  chance  of  winning 
those  actually  undertaken,  he  maintained.^ ^ 

Radicalism  Tempered  by  Common  Sense 

That  the  radical  philosophy  of  the  auto  workers* 
union  is  mixed  with  considerable  common  sense  is  also 
indicated  by  President  Logan's  report  of  a  certain  strike 
settlement  which  he  said  was  hindered  by  the  "unreason- 
ableness of  one  or  two  who  seemed  to  be  under  the  im- 
pression that  they  were  fighting  a  revolution  for  the 
abolition  of  capitalism  instead  of  fighting  for  the  rein- 
statement of  three  discharged  members."  "  In  a  leaflet 
circulated  by  the  union  President  Logan  says: 

We  do  not  claim  that  we  are  going  to  remodel  society  or  usher 
in  the  dawn  of  the  cooperative  commonwealth.  We  have  no  social 
revolution  ready  to  hand  the  worker  for  a  $5  initiation  fee  and 
a  few  months'  dues.  We  are  an  organization  of  all  the  workers 
in  the  automobile,  aircraft  and  vehicle  industry  in  one  solid,  com- 
pact and  powerful  organization.  We  aim  to  teach  these  workers 
how  to  act  collectively  and  to  drill  them  in  the  tactics  and  general- 
ship of  the  Industrial  Labor  Movement.  ...  We  believe  that 
education  is  the  right  road  to  industrial  freedom.  ...  We  know 
that  the  workers  will  never  know  how  to  manage  the  state  even 
if  they  should  gain  that  responsibility  through  political  action, 
until  they  learn  how  to  act  collectively  in  getting  some  of  their 
immediate  needs  satisfied. 

The  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers  also  make  some 
modifications  of  the  radical  class  antagonism  which  they 
profess.  At  their  first  convention  the  chairman  stated  that, 
although  organizing  along  the  lines  of  the  class  struggle, 

V    "  ^'""'^»''»<'"   Proceedings  of  the  6th  Biennial   Convention,   U.   A.   A.   & 
v.  W.,  September,   1920,  p.   15. 

»»/&iV/.,  p.    17. 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


299 


they  "must  not  neglect  the  necessity  of  friendly  inter- 
course with  the  employers  in  the  shop.*'  The  aims  of  the 
union  do  not  necessarily  impair  the  interest  of  the 
employers  "to  the  extent  of  preventing  them  from  re- 
maining in  business,"  the  tobacco  workers  magnanimously 
admit !  ^» 

The  Basis  of  Organization 

All  of  these  four  unions  are  organized  with  the  shop  as 
the  basic  unit.  This  form  of  organization  has  grown  up 
because  of  the  unwieldiness  of  large  locals  in  which  the 
individual  is  completely  lost.  The  newer  unionism  seeks, 
as  has  already  been  said,  to  place  the  control  of  union 
affairs  as  far  as  possible  in  the  hands  of  the  rank  and 
file,  and  in  order  to  facilitate  this  it  is  necessary  to  have 
groups  which  are  small  enough  and  closely  enough  united 
to  make  democratic  discussion  possible.  Meetings  of  all 
workers  in  a  shop  are  held  at  least  once  a  month  to 
consider  problems  pertaining  to  that  particular  group. 
The  Detroit  local  of  the  automobile  workers'  union 
provides  that  in  case  a  firm  has  several  plants  in  the  city, 
all  workers  in  these  plants  shall  belong  to  the  same  shop 
unit,  which  may  have  subdivisions  if  necessary.  It  also 
provides  for  a  "miscellaneous  shop  unit,"  including  those 
working  in  various  plants  where  too  few  members  exist  to 
form  a  unit  of  their  own.  In  general,  however,  the  shop 
organization  includes  simply  the  workers  in  one  establish- 
ment. In  each  one  is  a  shop  committee  and  a  chairman 
who  are  especially  responsible  for  the  settlement  of  griev- 
ances and  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  the  workers.  The 
shop  committees  are  made  up  of  delegates  from  the  dif- 
ferent departments  of  the  industry,  as  a  rule.  The  auto- 
mobile  workers   allow  one   representative   for   each   ten 

"  The  Amalgamated  Tobacco   Worker,   Dec.    18,    1920, 


300         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

members,  but  the  metal  and  food  workers  have  only 
one  delegate  from  each  department,  unless  there  are  less 
than  three  departments  in  the  establishment.  The  auto- 
mobile and  food  workers  specify  that  committee  members 
shall  be  elected  for  a  term  of  three  months. 

Constitution  of  the  Metal  Workers*  Union 

The  chairman  and  secretary  of  the  metal  workers'  shop 
committees  are  known  as  shop  stewards  and  function  much 
as  do  the  shop  stewards  of  England.    They  meet  in  both 
local  and  district  councils.     The  chief  seat  of  power  in 
the  organization   lies   in   the   district   councils   of   these 
unpaid   shop  stewards   which   have  both  legislative  and 
executive  control  over  their  own  districts.    They  are  com- 
posed of  all  shop  stewards  and  two  delegates  from  each 
lodge  in  the  city,  or  other  geographical  division  which  is 
designated  as  a  district.     Any  strike  which  is  likely  to 
involve  more  than  one  shop  must  be  brought  before  the 
district  council.     Individual  shop  strikes  are  discouraged, 
though  they  may  be  called  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the 
members  concerned  if  necessary.    All  agreements  or  set- 
tlements of  strikes  must  be  ratified  by  the  members  in  the 
shops  involved.     If  at  any  time  a  strike  is  called  by  the 
majority  of  the  workers  in  a  shop  where  the  members 
of  the  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers  are  in  the  minority, 
the  union  members  are  to  go  out  with  the  others,  thus 
showing  their  solidarity  with  all  metal  workers.     Beside 
the  shop  units,  local  councils,  and  district  councils,  there 
are  also  seven  regional  councils,  with  three  delegates  from 
each   district,   meeting   semi-annually   to   settle   disputes 
which  may  be  referred  to  them.    The  National  Executive 
Committee,  which  carries  on  organization  and  propaganda 
work,  is  composed  of  one  member  from  each  region.    It 
appoints  its  own  salaried  officers,  who  are  paid  no  more 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


301 


than  the  men  they  represent.  There  is  also  a  National 
Council  made  up  of  three  members  from  each  region, 
which  convenes  on  order  of  the  National  Executive  Com- 
mittee or  written  request  of  three  regions.  This  National 
Council  appoints  the  national  secretary-treasurer,  and 
decides  all  matters  of  moment  between  conventions  that 
are  not  settled  by  the  National  Executive  Committee.  The 
highest  authority  in  the  union  is  of  course  the  convention, 
which  is  held  annually,  or  oftener  if  demanded  by  a  refer- 
endum vote  of  the  members.  Amendments  to  the  constitu- 
tion, which  are  endorsed  by  25  per  cent  of  the  affiliated 
lodges  or  councils,  may  be  submitted  to  referendum  vote  at 
any  time.  In  some  respects  this  constitution  is  well  adapted 
for  democratic  government,  but  in  others  it  is  not.  The 
lack  of  direct  popular  election  of  the  national  officials  is 
a  weakness — though  a  less  serious  one  than  if  those 
officials  were  given  greater  power.  The  granting  of  such 
a  large  amount  of  power  to  the  councils  of  shop  stewards 
who  are  very  close  to  the  rank  and  file  is,  however,  a 
decided  step  in  the  direction  of  real  democracy  in  the 
union. 

Constitution  of  the  Automobile  Workers'  Union 

The  automobile  workers  have  adopted  the  shop  unit 
system  in  Detroit,  New  York,  and  Chicago,  and  recom- 
mend it  elsewhere,  though  they  have  not  yet  tried  it  in 
smaller  locals.  The  governing  body  is  called  the  Board 
of  Shop  Chairmen  in  New  York  and  the  Board  of 
Administration  in  Detroit.  The  constitution  of  the 
Detroit  local  provides  that  this  board  shall  consist  of  the 
secretaries  and  chairmen  of  the  shop  units,  the  shop 
conference  committees  which  have  one  representative  from 
each  department,  and  the  executive  board,  grievance  com- 
mittee, and  elected  officials  of  the  local.     No  shop  unit 


K 


302  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

can  expect  the  support  of  the  local  in  any  strike  unless 
it  has  first  received  the  sanction  of  the  Board  of  Adminis- 
tration.   All  action  affecting  other  shop  units  or  the  policy 
of  the  local  as  a  whole  must  also  receive  the  sanction  of 
the  local  before  being  undertaken  by  any  shop.    In  general 
a  two-thirds  vote  of  those  at  a  meeting  attended  by  at 
least  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  a  shop  unit  is  necessary 
for  calling  a  strike,  but  if  an  employer  demands  that  any 
worker  withdraw  from  the  organization  or  sign  an  indi- 
vidual contract  the  local  considers  that  a  lockout  has  been 
declared,  and  all  the  members  cease  work  at  once.     The 
union  has  an  interesting  provision  that  no  striker  may 
accept  work  anywhere  without  permission  of  the  strike 
rehef  committee.    All  available  jobs  must  be  reported  to 
this  committee  and  distributed  among  those  who  need  them 
most.     This  is  a  method   of   expressing   the   spirit  of 
brotherhood  which   is   rather   rare.     More   power   over 
strikes  and  other  matters  is  put  in  the  hands  of  the  General 
Executive  Board  and  the  three  other  general  officers  than 
IS  given  to  the  national  officers  of  the  metal  workers    The 
procedure  of  the  general  officers  when  a  strike  is  imminent 
has  already  been  noted.     All  officers  are  elected  at  the 
biennial  convention  from  among  the  delegates.    The  final 
authority  in  the  union  is  really  the  general  membership 
however,    for   all   questions   must   be   submitted   to   re- 
ferendum vote  if  so  demanded  by  five  locals    (in  dif- 
ferent cities)  or  by  four  members  of  the  General  Ex- 
ecutive  Board.     The  automobile  workers  allow  a   free 
interchange    of    membership    cards    with    other    unions 
except  where  the  initiation  fee  of  the  union  from  which 
the  applicant  wishes  to  be  tranferred  is  less  than  their  own 
in  which  case  he  must  pay  the  diflFerence  between  them' 
The  usual  difficulty  in  transferring  from  one  craft  union 
to   another    is    strongly   condemned    by    the    industrial 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


303 


unionists,  and  this  provision  is  quite  in  keeping  with  their 
spirit.  The  provision  of  both  the  automobile  and  the 
tobacco  workers  that  in  slack  seasons  all  workers  shall  be 
given  work  in  rotation,  so  that  none  of  them  are  laid  off 
for  more  than  a  few  days  at  a  time,  is  also  typical  of  the 
new  unionism. 

Constitution  of  the  Food  Workers'  Union 

Although  the  Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  In- 
dustries emphasize  the  shop  committees  and  the  monthly 
shop  meetings,  they  discourage  single  shop  strikes.    Such 
strikes  may  only  be  allowed  when  proprietors  refuse  to 
carry    out   union    conditions    which    have    already    been 
established.    New  demands  on  houses  which  recognize  the 
union  may  only  be  presented  by  the  branch  or  local.    (The 
term  "local"  is  used  only  by  the  bakers.    Henceforth  the 
word  "branch"  will  be  used  in  this  chapter  for  all  local 
bodies  of  food  workers.)     When  two  or  more  establish- 
ments are  owned  by  the  same  firm,  all  workers  in  those 
establishments   must   meet   together   when  any  difficulty 
arises  needing  combined  action  in  defense  of  workers  in 
any  one  of  them.    All  questions  of  tactics  in  time  of  strike 
are  to  be  decided  by  the  workers  involved  without  inter- 
ference from  anyone  else.    Each  branch  has  a  permanent 
fund  for  strikes  which  it  expends  as  it  sees  fit.     The 
branches  are  given  a  large  degree  of   independence  in 
regard  to  matters  aflFecting  the  workers  under  their  juris- 
diction.    The  Central  Executive  Board,  which  has  re- 
presentatives from  all  the  branches  in  proportion  to  their 
membership,  controls  matters  of  general  interest  to  the 
organization,  decides  jurisdictional  disputes,  and  attends 
to  certain  routine  matters,  but  has  much  less  power  than 
the  executive  boards  of  most  national  unions.    The  four 
paid  officials  of  the  central  organization,  the  secretary- 


304         INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

treasurer,  editor,  and  two  general  organizers,  are  nomi- 
nated and  elected  by  the  membership  at  large,  instead  of 
by  the  convention.  In  this  union,  as  in  all  the  other  new 
industrial  unions,  there  is  a  great  desire  to  avoid  control 
by  a  clique  of  officials.  For  this  reason,  no  one  is  eligible 
to  the  convention  who  has  been  a  paid  official  during  the 
preceding  two  months.  The  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers 
at  their  first  convention  took  a  similar  stand  by  allowing 
national  and  district  officers  a  seat  but  no  vote,  excluding 
them  from  all  committees,  and  denying  them  the  right 
to  act  in  any  official  capacity  in  the  convention.  In  order 
to  prevent  collusion  between  union  leaders  and  employers, 
the  constitution  of  the  food  workers'  union  states  that 
no  official  or  member  of  the  union  shall  seek  a  private 
interview  with  an  employer  during  a  strike.  The  metal 
workers  seek  a  similar  safeguard  by  providing  that  no 
paid  representative  of  the  organization  may  attempt  any 
negotiations  with  an  employer  without  the  presence  of  one 
of  the  shop  stewards. 

Constitution  of  the  Tobacco  Workers'  Union 

The  Amalgamated  Tobacco  Workers,  like  the 
Workers  in  the  Amalgamated  Food  Industries,  leave  the 
locals  very  free  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  They  may 
call  strikes  whenever  their  members  vote  for  such  action, 
and  the  central  organization  guarantees  moral  and  finan- 
cial support  to  the  extent  of  its  ability.  The  shop  chair- 
men, who  hold  weekly  meetings  with  such  other  re- 
presentatives as  the  shops  consider  it  necessary  to  elect, 
deal  with  all  matters  concerning  the  interests  of  the 
tobacco  workers  in  their  locality,  but  all  questions  of 
importance  must  be  referred  to  the  local  union  member- 
ship for  final  decision.  Any  local  may  propose  an 
amendment  to  the  national  constitution  at  any  time,  and 


OTHER  INDUSTRIES 


305 


if  endorsed  by  two  other  locals  this  amendment  must  be 
submitted  to  referendum  vote,  as  must  all  decisions  of  the 
annual  convention.     The  general  officers  of  the  union, 
who  are  nominated  by  the  convention  and  elected  by  the 
whole  membership,  serve  for  one  year  and  may  not  hold 
office  for  more  than  two  consecutive  terms.     This  pro- 
vision is  intended  to  prevent  that  domination  of  the  organi- 
zation by  one  strong  personality,  or  by  a  clique  of  offi- 
cials, which  is  characteristic  of  many  of  the  older  unions. 
The  secretary-treasurer  and  organizer  are  the  only  paid 
officials  of  the  central  organization.     In  order  that  free 
expression  may  be  given  to  all  opinions,  members  may 
publish  in  the  union  journal  any  articles  which  they  desire, 
without  mutilation  or  comment  from  the  editor.    In  spite 
of  these  efforts  to  prevent  the  national  officials  from  hav- 
ing too  much  power,  the  tobacco  workers  turn  over  to  the 
central  organization  a  much  larger  proportion  of  the  money 
received  from  dues  than  do  the  other  unions  in  this  group. 
From  50  to  70  per  cent  of  their  dues  go  to  the  central 
office,  whereas  the  food  workers  turn  over  only  15  per 
cent,  the  metal  workers  20  per  cent,  and  the  automobile 
workers  less  than  50  per  cent.     In  general  the  relative 
strength  of  the  national  organization  in  comparison  with 
the  local  is  indicated  by  the  amount  of  money  which  it 
allows  the  local  group  to  retain  for  its  own  purposes,  but 
in  this  case  the  criterion  does  not  appear  to  be  a  very 
accurate  one.    All  of  these  unions  follow  the  usual  policy 
of  industrial  unions  in  keeping  initiation  fees  and  dues 
low.    The  fees  run  from  $2  to  $5  (though  the  automobile 
workers  set  $5  as  the  minimum).     Dues  are  from  $1  to 
$1.50  a  month,   except   in  the  case  of  the   automobile 
workers  who  allow  the  locals  to  set  a  higher  amount  if 
they  see  fit. 


'   -i 


I 


306  INDEPENDENT  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONISM 

Summary 

In  summing  up  briefly,  we  may  say  that  these  four 
industrial  unions,  of  food,  tobacco,  metal,  and  automobile 
workers,  look  forward  definitely  and  hopefully  to  the  end 
of  the  capitalist  system  and  the  coming  of  a  better  social 
order  in  which  the  workers  shall  receive  the  full  value  of 
all  which  they  produce.  Their  belief  in  the  class  struggle 
influences  the  tactics  of  some  of  them  to  the  extent  of 
refusing  to  make  definite  contracts  with  employers,  but 
nevertheless  their  efforts  are  largely  directed  toward 
securing  the  same  immediate  improvements  in  their  con- 
dition which  are  sought  by  other  unions.  The  main 
practical  difference  between  them  and  most  of  the  A.  F. 
of  L.  unions  lies  in  the  greater  degree  of  democracy  in 
the  conduct  of  union  affairs  which  characterizes  them, 
and  in  the  all-inclusive  spirit  which  raises  no  barriers  in 
the  way  of  high  initiation  fees  and  dues,  and  reaches  out 
to  all  workers  in  the  industry  regardless  of  race, 
nationality,  sex,  or  craft. 


m 


CHAPTER  X 

CONCLUSION  ■ 

Class  Consciousness 

Now  that  we  have  come  to  the  end  of  our  survey, 
we  must  ask  ourselves  what  it  has  taught  us  of  the 
psychology  of  the  workers  and  the  direction  in  which 
organized  labor  is  moving.  In  our  analysis  of  the  details 
of  structure  and  policy  it  has  been  easy  to  lose  sight  of 
the  broad  outlines  of  industrial  unionism.  We  must  now 
try  to  sum  up  the  essential  characteristics  of  these  various 
bodies  and  come  to  some  general  conclusions  as  to  the 
value  of  the  type  of  organization  which  we  have  been 
describing. 

The  outstanding  feature  of  these  industrial  unions  is 
their  class  consciousness.  To  be  sure,  there  are  a  few 
unions  claiming  jurisdiction  over  all  who  work  in 
their  industries  which  have  relatively  little  of  it, 
and  in  practically  all  of  the  industrial  unions  there 
are  many  individuals  who  do  not  see  far  beyond  the 
small  group  with  which  they  are  immediately  associated, 
but  in  general  we  may  say  that  industrial  unions  uphold 
the  principle  that  all  members  of  the  working  class,  no 
matter  what  their  occupation  or  degree  of  skill,  have 
interests  in  common  and  must  work  for  the  coming  of  a 
better  day  for  all  the  workers.  Some  organizations  such 
as  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  and  the  One  Bi^ 
Union  seek  to  unite  all  types  of  workers  in  one  great 
organization,  believing  that  in  no  other  way  can  the 
solidarity  of  labor  be  adequately  expressed.  Others  hold 
that  a  sense  of  solidarity  can  best  be  developed  and  the 

307 


3o8 


CONCLUSION 


CONCLUSION 


309 


i 


■I 


interests  of  the  workers  furthered  by  organizing  simply  by 
indusiries,  with  the  hope  that  in  the  future  these  industrial 
grou])s  may  draw  closer  together  and  form  an  inter-in- 
dustrial alliance  of  some  sort. 

Is  this  class  consciousness  socially  desirable  or  not? 
The  "average  citizen"  who  is  unconnected  with  the  labor 
movement  will  probably  answer  quickly  in  the  negative. 
To  him  the  term  "class  consciousness"  conveys  nothing  but 
an  idea  of  hatred  between  classes  and  bitter  industrial 
struggle.  It  is  an  anti-social  conception,  he  declares,  and 
should  be  combated  by  all  possible  means.  In  indignantly 
condemning  it,  he  contrasts  it  with  the  attitude  of  one  who 
seeks  to  serve  society  as  a  whole,  rather  than  any  one  class, 
and  adjures  the  laborer  to  do  his  work  faithfully  and 
maintain  harmonious  relations  with  his  employer  in  order 
that  nothing  may  interfere  with  the  peace  and  comfort  of 
the  general  public.  In  so  doing,  the  average  citizen  fails 
to  realize  that  the  alternative  to  class  consciousness  on  the 
part  of  the  worker  is  less  likely  to  be  devotion  to  the 
welfare  of  such  an  all-inclusive  group  as  the  whole  of 
society  than  devotion  to  his  own  interests  alone.  When 
a  worker  first  comes  in  touch  with  the  labor  movement 
and  begins  to  realize  that  his  welfare  is  bound  up  with  that 
of  his  fellows,  he  experiences  a  great  emancipation  from 
a  narrow  circle  of  interests.  The  first  group  with  which 
he  feels  community  of  interest  is  likely  to  be  that  with 
which  he  is  working,  at  the  same  craft  or  in  the  same  shop. 
As  his  horizon  widens  his  loyalty  extends  naturally  to  all 
who  are  working  in  the  same  industry  with  him,  and  he  is 
ready  to  subordinate  his  own  immediate  advantage  and 
even  that  of  his  craft  or  shop  to  that  of  the  whole  in- 
dustrial group.  As  horizons  widen  still  further  and  the 
sense  of  solidarity  develops,  loyalty  to  the  whole  working 
class  grows  out  of,  though  does  not  supplant,  loyalty  to 


his  own  industrial  union,  and  he  feels  all  the  passionate 
ardor  of  devotion  to  a  great  cause  when  he  enlists  in  a 
struggle  for  the  welfare  of  his  class.  The  process  which 
has  taken  place  has  thus  been  primarily  a  socializing  one. 
With  each  enlargement  of  the  group  which  has  claimed 
his  loyalty,  the  worker's  personality  has  expanded  and  his 
interests  have  broadened.  The  sense  of  solidarity  ulti- 
mately reaches  out  beyond  national  boundaries  to  embrace 
the  working  class  in  all  countries,  and  thus  becomes  a 
powerful  force  making  for  world  brotherhood.  If  it  is 
desirable  to  make  as  large  as  possible  the  group  with 
which  an  individual  is  able  to  feel  a  "consciousness  of 
kind,"  this  development  of  class  solidarity  should  be 
recognized  as  an  invaluable  factor  in  social  education. 

Theory  of  the  Class  Struggle 

Even  if  it  be  granted  that  class  consciousness  may 
make  a  worker  in  some  respects  a  more  social  being  than 
he  would  be  if  he  had  no  loyalties  outside  of  his  immediate 
family  circle,  the  critic  replies,  the  fact  remains  that  with 
the  development  of  such  consciousness  comes  an  increase 
in  antagonism  between  the  employing  and  the  working 
classes,  and  the  goal  of  the  socializing  process,  which  must 
be  nothing  less  than  harmonious  cooperation  between  all 
groups  in  society,  is  thus  made  immeasurably  remote.  The 
doctrine  of  the  class  struggle  which  is  a  corollary  of  the 
idea  of  class  consciousness,  he  declares,  makes  any  real 
cooperation  or  harmony  between  employer  and  employee 
impossible,  and  thus  injects  a  poison  into  the  whole  social 
system.  If  the  labor  leaders  who  talk  about  the  class 
struggle  were  creating  that  struggle  and  seeking  to 
perpetuate  it,  there  would  be  much  justice  in  this  criticism. 
The  aim  of  the  class  conscious  industrial  unions,  however, 
is  to  reach  the  point  where  the  struggle  between  owner 


310 


CONCLUSION 


and  worker  which  has  gone  on  for  generations  may  cease 
because  owner  and  worker  have  become  one.  The  social 
group  to  which  loyahy  goes  out  will  then  be  expanded  to 
include  all  who  are  in  any  way  productive,  whether  by 
hand  or  brain,  and  the  non-productive  members  of  society 
will  be  reduced  to  the  smallest  possible  number,  if  not 
wholly  eliminated.  By  pointing  out  the  existence  of  a 
class  struggle,  these  unions  think  that  they  are  doing 
more  to  put  an  end  to  it  than  by  simply  ignoring  it. 

Causes  of  Struggle 

The  theory  of  the  class  struggle  is  often  expressed  in 
a  way  which  is  so  crude  and  inaccurate  as  to  merit  the 
criticism  which  is  heaped  upon  it.  When  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World  declare  that  the  worker  and  the 
employer  have  nothing  in  common,  they  ignore  certain 
definite  facts.  For  instance,  the  greater  the  amount  that 
is  produced,  the  more  of  the  good  things  of  life  there  are 
to  distribute  among  those  who  take  part  in  production; 
and  the  more  efficiently  the  industry  is  run,  the  less 
human  effort  is  wasted  in  making  those  good  things. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  apparent  that  a  struggle  over  the  divi- 
sion of  the  product  exists  and  will  continue  to  exist  until 
some  principle  which  will  be  recognized  as  just  by  all 
concerned  is  discovered  for  determining  the  division  of  the 
product.  At  present  no  such  principle  appears  to  be 
in  operation.  The  relative  share  of  the  total  product 
which  the  different  groups  receive  seems  to  be  determined 
by  the  degree  of  their  self-assertion,  rather  than  by  the 
service  which  they  render  to  the  industry  and  thus  to 
society.  So  long  as  large  incomes  go  to  absentee  owners 
who  do  not  contribute  any  direct  personal  service,  either 
by  way  of  management  or  actual  labor,  the  workers  will 
continue  to  believe  that  industry  can  afford  to  pay  more 


CONCLUSION 


3" 


to  those  who  do  the  work  and  that  no  valid  answer  can 
be  given  to  the  demand  for  higher  wages.  As  Mr.  Tawney 
expresses  it  in  his  book  on  The  Acquisitive  Society,  "the 
naive  complaint  that  workmen  are  never  satisfied  is  there- 
fore strictly  true.  It  is  true  not  only  of  workmen  but  of 
all  classes  in  a  society  which  conducts  its  affairs  on  the 
principle  that  wealth  instead  of  being  proportioned  to 
function  belongs  to  those  who  can  get  it."^  For  this 
reason  the  industrial  unionists  maintain  that  the  motive 
of  service  must  be  substituted  for  the  motive  of  profit  if 
there  is  to  be  any  end  to  the  class  struggle ;  and  therefore 
those  who  are  contributing  no  actual  service  must  be 
eliminated  from  industry. 

It  is  not  merely  the  lack  of  a  just  principle  for  divid- 
ing the  product  that  causes  a  struggle  between  classes. 
Quite  as  important  is  the  demand  of  the  workers  for  an 
increasing  measure  of  control  over  the  conditions  under 
which  they  labor,  and  the  reluctance  of  the  employers  to 
allow  any  interference  with  the  way  they  run  "their" 
business.  The  whole  history  of  the  labor  movement  is 
a  record  of  the  struggle  to  wrest  control  of  working  con- 
ditions out  of  the  hands  of  the  employing  class  and  to  get 
greater  security  for  the  workers.  On  the  one  hand, 
employers  have  felt  that  their  factories  and  workshops 
were  their  own  to  manage  as  they  saw  fit,  and  have 
yielded  to  the  demand  of  their  workers  for  a  voice  in 
determining  hours  and  wages  and  other  matters  only  when 
forced  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand,  the  workers  have 
fought  steadily  against  autocratic  control  and  demanded 
a  more  democratic  system  of  management  and  a  more 
secure  tenure  of  their  positions.  In  this  struggle  for  in- 
dustrial democracy  all  unions,  whether  radical  or  con- 
servative, have  had  a  share,  and  as  Mr.  Tannenbaum  has 

» Tawney,  The  Acquisitive  Society,  New  York,  1920,  p.  43. 


3" 


CONCLUSION 


pointed  out  in  his  book  on  The  Labor  Movement,  in  this 
sense  they  have  all  been  revolutionary.  It  is  the  class  con- 
scious unions,  however,  which  have  recognized  whither  the 
activities  of  all  organized  labor  are  tending— the  manage- 
ment of  industry  by  all  those  directly  engaged  in  it— and 
are  able  to  interpret  this  tendency  to  the  rest  of  the 
workers  and  increase  the  idealism  and  the  rapidity  of  the 
movement. 

Methods  of  Bringing  about  Democratic   Ownership 
and  Control 

We  cannot  here  give  any  adequate  consideration  to 
the  various  methods  suggested  for  substituting  democratic 
ownership  and  control  for  the  present  capitalist  system. 
The  I.  W.  W.  have  prophesied  a  general  strike  which 
will  accompany  the  final  collapse  of  capitalism,  and  are 
beginning  to  study  the  technical  problems  which  must  be 
met   when   the  organized   workers   shall   undertake   the 
management  of   industry.     The   Amalgamated   Clothing 
Workers  and  the  other  clothing  unions  are  experimenting 
with  cooperative  enterprises,  with  the  hope  that  they  may 
educate  the  workers  in  the  principles  of  management  and 
pave  the  way  for  an  order  of  society  where  the  workers 
shall  own  and  operate  all  industry.     The  United  Mine 
Workers  are  urging  the  elimination  of  private  ownership 
of  the  mines  by  means  of  government  purchase,  and  their 
management  by  a  board  on  which  the  worker  shall  have 
equal  representation  with  other  factors.     The  method  of 
the  general  strike  and  forcible  seizure  of  all  industry  at 
once  is  recognized  as  visionary  and  impracticable  by  most 
labor  leaders,  as  well  as  by  impartial  students  of  the 
question.     The  method  of  bringing  about  the  new   in- 
dustrial order  by  means  of  establishing  cooperative  enter- 
prises gives  more  promise  of  success.    Nevertheless  there 


CONCLUSION 


Z'^S 


are  various  problems  to  be  solved  in  connection  with  that. 
As    soon    as    such    cooperative    establishments    become 
numerous  enough  to  threaten  seriously  the  success  of 
private  enterprise,  the  banks  and  commercial  organizations 
will  probably  make  it  difficult  for  them  to  get  credit  or 
secure  raw  materials  and  market  their  products  on  as 
favorable  terms  as  those  given  to  private  business.     The 
development  of  cooperative  enterprises  in  many  industries 
at  the  same  time  and  the  extension  of  cooperation  to  the 
realm  of  credit  will  help  to  mitigate  these  difficulties,  but 
It  IS  doubtful  if  the  new  industrial  order  could  be  brought 
about  wholly  in  this  way.    The  government  purchase  of 
basic  mdustries  such  as  railroads,  steel  plants,  and  mines— 
perhaps  by  issuing  notes  on  which  the  interest  should  be 
paid  out  of  future  profits— and  their  democratic  manage- 
ment by  those  engaged  in  these  industries,  would  probably 
be  a  necessary  transition  step  toward  the  new  social  system 
that  the  industrial  unionists  desire.     When  the  most  im- 
portant industries  had  thus  been  taken  out  of  private 
hands,  the  development  of  cooperation  in  other  trades 
would  prove  less  difficult. 

Would  an  Industry  Run  by  the  Workers  Be  Efficient? 
The  question  of  efficiency  in  an  industry  run  by  the 
workers   is  of  course  an   important   one.     To   many  it 
appears  that  the  workers  in  demanding  control  of  pro- 
duction are  preparing  for  the  destruction  of  industry  and 
their  own  suicide.     The  results  of  political  democracy 
say  those  who  hold  this  view,  have  not  been  so  encourag- 
mg  as  to  give  us  much  assurance  that  democracy  in  in- 
dustry will  secure  the  efficient  production  that  is  necessary 
to  supply  the  needs  of  the  world.    On  the  other  hand  the 
recent  investigation  of  the  committee  of  the  Federated 
American  Engineering  Societies  appointed  by  Mr.  Hoover 


314 


CONCLUSION 


to  study  industrial  waste,  shows  that  the  present  capitalist 
system  is  far  from  being  the  efficient  instrument  that  had 
been  supposed.  One  of  the  most  important  elements  in 
production  is  the  psychological  attitude  of  those  engaged  in 
it.  So  long  as  the  workers  feel  that  the  industry  does  not 
belong  to  them  in  any  sense  and  that  they  have  no  real 
share  in  its  control,  they  are  not  likely  to  feel  any  great 
responsibility  for  the  efficiency  of  the  industry.  When 
any  extra  exertion  on  their  part  results  chiefly  in  addi- 
tional dividends  to  the  stockholders,  and  may  bring  about 
future  unemployment  for  themselves  if  more  is  produced 
than  can  be  disposed  of  at  a  profit,  the  general  sentiment 
of  the  workers  is  not  likely  to  be  in  favor  of  extra  exer- 
tion. A  system  which  would  carry  on  industry  primarily 
for  the  benefit  of  the  community  rather  than  for  private 
profit,  and  would  make  each  worker  feel  that  he  had  a 
just  share  in  the  total  product  and  could  help  determine 
the  conditions  under  which  it  was  produced,  would 
doubtless  furnish  incentives  which  are  weak  or  wholly 
lacking  under  the  present  system.  The  sentiment  of  the 
group  to  which  the  worker  professed  loyalty  would  thus 
be  in  favor  of  efficient  production  instead  of  against  it, 
and  what  has  been  called  the  "instinct  of  workmanship" 
would  have  fuller  play  than  it  does  at  present. 

All  of  the  industrial  unions,  including  the  I.  W.  W., 
recognize  that  a  long  period  of  preparation  is  necessary 
before  the  workers  will  be  ready  for  the  control  of  pro- 
duction, and  some  of  them  are  definitely  trying  to  educate 
their  members  so  that  they  may  have  an  intelligent  under- 
standing of  industrial  processes.  There  are  men  of  great 
ability  even  in  the  labor  movement  who  would  probably 
make  efficient  managers,  but  the  success  of  an  industry 
where  the  whole  group  of  workers  had  a  voice  in  determin- 
ing conditions  would  depend  to  great  extent  on  the  intel- 


CONCLUSION 


315 


ligent  interest  which  the  rank  and  file  had  in  the  industry. 
The  more  progressive  labor  leaders  who  look  forward  to 
the  control  of  industry  by  the  workers  in  the  future  are 
now  recognizing  the  necessity  of  enlisting  the  cooperation 
of  technical  experts  who  will  work  out  the  details  of  pro- 
duction management,  subject  to  general  principles  laid 
down  by  the  whole  body  of  those  who  work  by  hand  or 
brain.    These  experts  would  be  responsible  to  the  workers, 
rather  than  to  absentee  shareholders.     There  are  many 
problems  to  be  solved  in  connection  with  the  relation  of 
such  experts  to  the  rank  and  file,  but  it  is  a  hopeful  sign 
that  labor  is  coming  to  realize  that  the  presence  of  such 
men  in  an  industry  is  not  incompatible  with  industrial 
democracy.     It  seems  quite  possible  that  the  workers- 
using  the  term  in  a  sense  broad  enough  to  include  all 
who  contribute  to  the  industry  by  either  hand  or  brain- 
may  develop  sufficient  understanding  of  the  requirements 
of  production  to  choose  the  right  men  to  direct  them,  and 
to  lay  down  general  principles  to  be  carried  out  by  these 
men,  without  any  loss  of  efficiency.     Certain  details  in 
regard  to  working  conditions  might  also  be  decided  by 
direct  vote  of  the  entire  labor  force  in  a  shop,  but  in  all 
probability  many  matters  in  regard  to  production  would 
need  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  highly  trained  managers 
who  would  be  responsible  not  merely  to  those  in  their 
own  shops  but  to  the  whole  body  of  workers  in  the  in- 
dustry, and,  in  the  case  of  government-owned  industries, 
to  the  community  at  large. 

Effect    of    Radical    Philosophy    on    Attitude    toward 
Agreements 

We  must  consider  not  merely  the  ultimate  hopes  of 
these  various  unions  but  also  their  immediate  policies,  and 
determine  to  what  extent  their  radical  philosophy  affects 


I 


3x6 


CONCLUSION 


.i 


those  policies.  The  I.  W.  W.,  the  Food  Workers,  and  the 
Tobacco  Workers  express  their  belief  in  the  class  struggle 
by  refusing  to  sign  agreements  with  employers  for  any 
definite  length  of  time,  and  the  Automobile  Workers  dis- 
courage such  contracts  just  as  far  as  possible.  The  reason 
for  this,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  is  that  these  unions  have 
felt  that  time  agreements  prevent  their  taking  advantage 
of  strategic  moments  for  improving  their  condition  and 
from  coming  to  the  assistance  of  other  workers  who  are  in 
need  of  aid.  On  the  other  hand,  the  garment  unions  and 
the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers,  though  announcing 
as  definitely  as  do  those  other  unions  their  conviction  that 
a  class  struggle  exists,  and  their  expectation  that  the 
organized  working  class  will  eventually  take  over  the 
entire  system  of  production,  hold  that  definite  agreements 
with  employers  are  an  essential  part  of  the  process  of 
preparing  for  the  new  day.  The  system  of  industrial 
government  which  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers 
has  worked  out  is  not  only  giving  a  substantial  measure  of 
security  to  the  workers  in  the  present  but  is  also  educat- 
ing them  in  regard  to  the  manifold  problems  which  must 
arise  in  the  management  of  any  industry  and  thus  helping 
to  prepare  them  for  a  larger  degree  of  responsibility  for 
production.  By  cooperating  with  employers  as  far  as 
cooperation  seems  possible,  they  are  narrowing  the  field  of 
conflict  and  saving  their  strength  for  times  when  the  clash 
in  interests  is  so  fundamental  as  to  make  a  struggle 
inevitable. 

Collective  agreements  have  been  made  by  conservative 
craft  unions  for  many  years,  but  they  differ  from  those  of 
the  industrial  unions,  in  that  they  apply  to  only  a  portion 
of  the  workers  in  any  industry  instead  of  covering  them 
all.  They  thus  make  it  possible  for  employers  to  prevent 
united  action  by  having  the  contracts  of  different  groups 


CONCLUSION 


317 


expire  at  diflferent  times.    Agreements  of  the  sort  made  by 
the  Ladies'  Garment  Workers,  the  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers,  and  the  silk  ribbon  workers  of  the  Amalgamated 
Textile  Workers  of  course  obviate  this  difficulty  and  also, 
because  of  their  flexibility,  the  objection  that  time  agree- 
ments make  no  allowance  for  changing  conditions.     The 
United  Mine  Workers  and  the  United  Brewery  Work- 
men, also,  have  from  the  beginning  established  joint  con- 
tracts wherever  possible,  and  so  has  the  Western  Federa- 
tion of  Miners  since  1912.    The  U.  M.  W.  has,  to  be  sure, 
never  professed  a  radical  philosophy,  but  the  U.  B.  w! 
formed  contracts  even  in  its  most  radical  days.    We  may 
conclude,    therefore,   that   while   there   is   diflPerence   of 
opinion  among  industrial  unions  as  to  the  advisability  of 
signing  agreements   with   employers,   a   class   conscious 
philosophy  in  no  way  necessitates  an  unwillingness  to  do 
so. 

Attitude  of  Industrial  Unions  toward  Efficiency  under 
Present  System 

Do  radical  theories  make  a  unionist  a  less  efficient  and 
satisfactory  workman  under  the  present  capitalist  system? 
The  Industrial  Worker  of  the  World  has  been  denounced 
bitterly  for  his  alleged  sabotage,  and  it  is  assumed  that 
because  his  organization  has  often  preached  the  "con- 
scientious withdrawal  of  efficiency"  that  he  is  a  much 
greater  sinner  in  this  respect  than  other  workers.     As  a 
matter  of  fact  there  is  considerable  of  this  slackening  of 
efficiency   among  all   groups   of   workers,   regardless   of 
whether  they  are  ranked  as  radical  or  conservative,  or  are 
organized  or  unorganized,  and  it  is  one  of  the  symptoms 
of  an  unwholesome  condition  in  industry.    The  I.  W.  W., 
as  has  already  been  pointed  out,  is  now  beginning  to  con- 
sider carefully  the  whole  problem  of  industrial  manage- 


3i8 


CONCLUSION 


ment  and  trying  to  work  out  methods  for  carrying  on 
production  more  efficiently  than  has  yet  been  done  under 
the  capitalist  system.  To  be  sure  the  new  interest  in 
production  is  directed  toward  the  future  and  will  not 
necessarily  influence  the  immediate  tactics  of  the  average 
I.  W.  W.  member,  but  the  shift  in  emphasis  from  destruc- 
tive to  constructive  action  may  do  something  to  stimulate 
better  workmanship  in  the  present.  The  Amalgamated 
Clothing  Workers  and  to  some  extent  the  Ladies'  Garment 
Workers  and  the  Cap  Makers,  have  taken  a  stand  far  in 
advance  of  the  ordinary  craft  union  by  recognizing  their 
share  of  responsibility  for  the  successful  operation  of 
industry.  Their  attempt  to  increase  efficiency  by  the  joint 
fixing  of  standards  of  output  shows  an  intelligent  and 
progressive  attitude  toward  the  whole  problem  of  pro- 
duction. Much  more  attention  needs  to  be  given  to  the 
matter,  however,  on  the  part  of  industrial  unions  as  well 
as  craft  unions.  Although  not  enough  evidence  on  this 
point  is  yet  available  to  lead  to  any  definite  conclusions, 
there  is  some  reason  for  thinking  that  as  a  belief  in  the 
necessity  of  training  the  workers  for  future  management 
of  industry  spreads,  there  will  be  less  use  of  methods  that 
tend  to  unfit  them  for  successful  carrying  on  of  production 
by  breaking  down  standards  of  workmanship. 

Conflicting  Currents  in  Unions 

As  we  have  repeatedly  noticed  in  our  study  of  these 
different  unions,  a  radical  preamble  by  no  means  indicates 
that  all  the  members  of  the  union  subscribing  to  it  have 
much  idea  of  class  consciousness  or  of  the  hoped-for  co- 
operative commonwealth.  Every  union  has  conflicting 
currents  within  it  making  generalizations  difficult.  The 
radicalism  of  the  United  Brewery  Workmen  has  been 


CONCLUSION  319 

diluted  by  the  forcing  in  of  many  members  who  are  not 
in  sympathy  with  its  original  principles,  and  by  coopera- 
tion with  employers  in  the  fight   against  prohibition  which 
has  tended  to  replace  the  feeling  of  solidarity  with  the 
working  class  by  solidarity  with  all  who  uphold  the  liquor 
traffic.     The  Umted  Mine  Workers  is  dominated  by  a 
group  of  conservative  national  officials   who   have   the 
support  of  the  majority  in  the  union  on  most  issues,  but 
It  has  a  radical  minority  which  has  done  much  to  bring 
the  organization  to  its  present  stand  on  nationalization  of 
he  mines.    The  Western  Federation  of  Miners,  eschewing 
Its  early  radicalism,  has  become  decidedly  conservative 
but  It  also  has  a  radical  minority.     This  militant  group' 
instead  of  bringing  about  progressive  action  on  the  part 

caused  dissensions  among  the  metal  miners,  who  need 

thb?  1  1"'  T'T'  ''  ^'^^  ^^^  '^  — P»-h  any- 
thing     In  the  Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  we  have 

seen  that  many  members  have  little  understanding  in  the 
principles  of  industrial  unionism  and  little  interest  in  the 
Ideas  expressed  in  their  preamble.     The  garment  unions 
are  perhaps  more  uniformly  Socialistic  than  most  of  the 
others,  but  even  they  have  wide  variations   from  con- 
servatism to  radicalism.    A  large  part  of  the  activity  of 
these  unions  IS  directed  toward  securing  the  same  im- 
mediate benefits  that  all  organized  labor  seeks,  and  many 
jom  them  for  the  sake  of  these  immediate  benefits  rather 
than  for  any  social  theory.     Nevertheless,  the  very  fact 
^at  these  organizations  have  proclaimed  a  belief  in  the 
possibility  and  necessity  of  a  new  industrial  order  in  which 
the  workers  shall  manage  production  for  the  service  of 
the  whole  community,  must  do  something  to  broaden  the 
outlook  of  their  members  and  make  them  more  soci^^ 


i 


I 


'! 


I 

I 

I 


4 


320 


CONCLUSION 


Democracy  within  the  Unions 

One  of  the  most  important  characteristics  of  industrial 
unions  is  their  effort  to  develop  real  democracy  within  their 
own  organizations.  This  is  particularly  manifest  among 
the  newer  unions  which  have  revolted  violently  from  the 
autocratic  methods  of  the  craft  union  official  of  the  old 
type,  but  there  are  elements  of  it  in  practically  all  in- 
dustrial unions.  In  the  United  Mine  Workers  the  national 
officials  still  dominate  to  great  extent,  but  there  is  a  rising 
tide  of  protest  against  them  and  an  increasing  demand  that 
more  power  be  put  in  the  hands  of  the  rank  and  file.  Their 
ability  to  appoint  salaried  organizers  and  thus  build  up  a 
"machine"  of  loyal  supporters,  and  their  power  to  deal 
with  various  questions  without  consulting  the  membership, 
are  helping  to  cause  considerable  restlessness  in  the  union. 
The  various  insurgent  strikes  which  have  taken  place  in 
the  last  two  or  three  years  are  an  expression  of  this  feel- 
ing that  the  wishes  of  the  rank  and  file  are  being  dis- 
regarded by  the  officials.  In  the  Western  Federation  of 
Miners  the  radical  minority  has  forced  the  nomination  and 
election  of  officers  by  referendum  vote  instead  of  by  vote 
of  the  convention,  and  has  tried  hard  to  stop  the  continued 
reelection  of  Moyer  by  urging  that  no  officer  serve  for 
more  than  two  consecutive  terms.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
constitution  of  the  W.  F.  M.  with  its  provisions  for 
referendum  and  recall,  now  makes  possible  a  large  degree 
of  democratic  control  in  the  organization,  although  the 
more  radical  groups  continue  to  complain  of  Moyer *s 
domination. 

The  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  prides  itself  on 
the  degree  to  which  the  rank  and  file  determine  the  policies 
of  the  union.  The  system  of  shop  committees  and  shop 
chairmen  helps  to  keep  the  members  alert  and  interested  in 
the  affairs  of  the  organization,  and  the  great  mass  meet- 


CONCLUSION 


321 


ings  which  are  called  whenever  an  issue  of  importance 
arises  give  them  an  opportunity  for  discussion  and  ex- 
pression of  their  opinions.  Much  the  same  thing  is  true  of 
the  Ladies'  Garment  Workers  and  the  Cap  Makers.    The 
Amalgamated  Textile  Workers  also  has  a  large  amount 
of  democracy  within  the  union,  though  in  some  centers  the 
members  are  more  prone  to  rely  upon  the  judgment  of 
their  officials  than  in  others.     The  Amalgamated  Metal 
Workers   puts    special    stress    upon    its    freedom    from 
official  control.    Its  unpaid  shop  stewards  who  are  elected 
by  the  workers  in  the  different  shops  form  district  councils 
which  have  both  legislative  and  executive  control  over  their 
own  districts.    The  stewards  are  thus  even  more  influential 
than  the  shop  chairmen  of  the  garment  unions  and  the 
textile,  automobile,   food,  and  tobacco  workers.     These 
unions  are  thus  educating  their  members  in  the  principles 
of  democratic  government,  and,  by  making  each  one  feel 
a  sense  of  responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  union  affairs, 
they  are  helping  to  prepare  them  for  larger  responsibilities 
in  the  future. 

Relation  between  Structure  and  Spirit  of  Industrial 
Unions 

Is  there  any  necessary  connection  between  the  various 
principles  and  policies  which  we  have  been  discussing  and 
the  structure  of  the  industrial  union,  we  must  next  ask 
ourselves.  It  is  conceivable  that  a  union  made  up  simply 
of  the  members  of  a  single  craft  might  be  as  democratic 
m  Its  mtemal  management  as  any  industrial  union,  and 
might  look  forward  as  hopefully  to  the  day  when  industry 
shall  be  owned  and  operated  by  the  workers ;  and  on  the 
other  hand,  a  union  which  includes  all  types  of  workers 
in  an  industry  may  wholly  lack  these  characteristics.  A 
form  of  organization,  however,  which  seeks  to  unite  all 


322 


CONCLUSION 


kinds  of  workers  in  an  industry  regardless  of  their  skill, 
race,  or  nationality,  is  more  likely  than  the  craft  form  to 
develop  that  sense  of  the  value  of  each  individual  worker 
and  of  the  interdependence  of  all  workers  which  leads  to 
increased  democracy  both  in  union  affairs  and  in  the 
control  of  production.  All  too  often  craft  unions  have 
been  indifferent  not  only  to  the  unskilled  but  also  to 
negroes  and  foreigners,  and  have  raised  barriers  in  the 
way  of  high  initiation  fees  to  keep  out  workers  who  might 
otherwise  belong,  in  order  that  members  might  maintain 
their  own  special  privileges.  Such  narrow  craft  exclusive- 
ness  obviously  is  incompatible  with  any  hope  for  industrial 
democracy.  Where  a  sense  of  the  solidarity  of  the  whole 
working  class  and  the  hope  for  the  ultimate  control  of 
industry  by  that  class  already  exists,  the  industrial 
structure  seems  to  be  its  natural  expression. 

Will  Industrial  Unionism  Soon  Supplant  Craft  Union- 
ism? 
If  the  workers  are  ever  to  take  upon  themselves  the 
management  of  production,  they  will  doubtless  find  a  form 
of  organization  which  unites  all  who  are  connected  with 
the  turning  out  of  a  certain  product  more  adapted  to  their 
purposes  than  one  which  simply  unites  those  engaged  in 
one  process  or  a  limited  number  of  processes.  If  workers' 
control  is  to  succeed  it  is  essential  that  all  those  who  work 
together  in  one  establishment  should  be  united  in  such  a 
way  that  they  may  meet  and  express  their  ideas  about  the 
management  of  that  particular  shop.  Even  those  who 
most  confidently  predict  such  a  change  in  the  system  of 
production  do  not  expect  it  at  once,  however,  so  we  must 
turn  our  attention  now  to  the  present  tendencies  in  the 
American  labor  movement  and  consider  whether  the  in- 
dustrial form  of  organization  is  likely  to  supplant  the  craft 


CONCLUSION 


323 


form  in  the  immediate  future.  In  concentrating  upon 
industrial  unions  we  must  not  forget  that  the  craft  union 
is  still  the  prevailing  type  within  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  which 
includes  the  great  mass  of  organized  workers  in  the 
country. 

Reasons  Why  Industrial  Structure  Exists  in  Certain 
Unions 

The  reasons   why  certain   unions   have  adopted   the 
industrial  rather  than  the  craft  form  may  perhaps  shed 
some  light  on  the  question.    The  two  mining  unions  have 
claimed  and  received  jurisdiction  over  all  who  work  in 
and  around  the  coal  and  metal  mines,  partly  because  of 
the  isolation  of  the  mines  and  partly  because  relatively 
few  of  the  workers  would  be  eligible  to  other  unions. 
They  wished  to  make  it  impossible  for  the  small  groups 
who  were  not  miners  to  shut  down  the  mines  and  throw 
the  mass  of  the  workers  out  of  employment.    The  United 
Brewery  Workmen  adopted  this  form  for  a  quite  dif- 
ferent reason,  for  the  brewers  were  few  in  comparison 
with  other  workers  in  the  industry.    They  were  scattered 
in  many  small  establishments  and  so  needed  the  support 
of  the  others.     In  their  case,  as  in  that  of  the  Western 
Federation   of    Miners,   a    definite    Socialist   philosophy 
helped  to  make  this  form  of  organization  attractive,  but 
the  conditions  of  the  industry  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with 
it.    The  garment  unions  adopted  the  industrial  form  partly 
because  of  their  Socialist  philosophy  and  partly  because 
the  diflPerences  in  skill  among  the  majority  of  the  workers 
were  comparatively  slight  so  that  it  seemed  natural  for 
them  to  join  in  one  union.    The  fact  that  they  were  for 
the  most  part  scattered  in  small  shops  made  it  particularly 
necessary  for  all  the  workers  to  stand  together.     In  the 
textile  industry  there  are  large  numbers  who  are  relatively 


324 


CONCLUSION 


unskilled,  so  the  industrial  structure  seemed  a  natural  one 
there,  also — though  radical  theories  were  an  important 
factor  in  determining  the  form  of  the  Amalgamated 
Textile  Workers.  The  newer  unions  which  have  sprung 
up  as  rivals  to  older  organizations  tend  to  claim  juris- 
diction over  all  types  of  workers  in  their  industries  so 
that  they  may  increase  their  membership  as  fast  as  possible 
and  thus  gain  power.  The  practical  advantage  of  so  doing 
thus  reinforces  the  class  consciousness  which  many  of 
them  have. 

Reasons  Why  Craft  Unions  Object  to  Industrial 
Structure 
In  the  case  of  the  strong  craft  unions  of  skilled  workers 
which  have  existed  for  many  years,  the  conditions  are  for 
the  most  part  quite  different.  Not  having  been  impelled 
for  either  practical  or  theoretical  reasons  to  organize  on 
an  industrial  basis  in  the  first  place,  they  are  slow  to 
desire  a  change  in  their  form  of  association  now.  Their 
members  fear  that  they  would  lose  their  strategic  position 
if  they  opened  their  doors  to  all  who  work  in  the  same  in- 
dustry with  them.  It  is  quite  true  that  in  many  cases  the 
skilled  workers  would  be  outvoted  by  the  unskilled  and 
would  need  to  sacrifice  some  of  their  own  privileges  if 
they  did  so  extend  their  jurisdiction.  Furthermore,  some 
workers,  such  as  carpenters  and  machinists,  may  work 
in  connection  with  many  different  industries,  changing 
fairly  rapidly  from  one  to  another.  Having  no  essential 
connection  with  one  more  than  with  another,  they  are  much 
more  likely  to  wish  union  with  others  doing  the  same  kind 
of  work  than  with  those  who  are  engaged  upon  a  par- 
ticular product.  In  certain  occupations  the  craft  seems  the 
more  natural  basis  for  organization;  in  others,  the 
industry. 


CONCLUSION 


325 


Increasing  Tendency  toward  Federation  and  Amalga- 
mation 

As  was  pointed  out  in  a  previous  chapter,  however, 
many  of  the  craft  unions  are  tending  to  draw  together  in 
federations  and  in  some  cases  are  actually  amalgamating. 
This  process  will  probably  continue  until  a  large  degree  of 
cooperation  between  the  different  crafts  of  each  industry 
and  also  between  different  industries  is  brought  about. 
It  may  be  that  in  all  industries  there  will  be  an  evolution 
such  as   Mr.   Foster  prophesies,   from   individual  craft 
action  to  federation  of  crafts  and  then  to  amalgamation 
of  all  the  crafts  in  each  industry,  and  from  federation  of 
different  industries  to  an  amalgamation  of  all  industries  in 
one  great  organization  of  the  working  class.    It  is  proba- 
ble that  the  process  will  stop  at  the  federation  of  indus- 
tries, however,  even  if  all  craft  divisions  are  broken  down. 
The  tendency  is  decidedly  away  from  craft  unionism  of 
the  original  type,  but  the  nature  of  certain  industries  is 
such  that  it   is  quite  likely  that  they  will  not  develop 
beyond  the  federation  stage  for  a  good  while  to  come. 
There  are  various  problems  to  be  solved  in  connection  with 
this  development.     Probably  a  double  affiliation  will  be 
necessary  for  some  workers,  making  it  possible  for  them  to 
unite  with  those  of  a  certain  industry  in  which  they  are 
temporarily  working  without  losing  membership  in   the 
craft  organization  which  binds  together  all  who  do  a  par- 
ticular type  of  work  in  connection  with  all  industries. 
These  problems,  however,  are  no  greater  than  the  juris- 
dictional difficulties  which  are  continually  besetting  organ- 
ized labor. 

Development  of  a  Sense  of  Solidarity   Essential  to 
Industrial  Unionism 

Industrial  unionism  is  likely  to  spread  more  through 


3^6 


CONCLUSION 


this  drawing  together  of  existing  craft  bodies  than  it  is 
through  the  forming  of  rival  organizations  which  seek  to 
supplant  those  already  established.    If  a  sense  of  solidarity 
is  to  be  developed  in  the  whole  working  class,  it  must  first 
be  developed  within  the  unions  which  control  the  great 
majority  of  organized  workers.    These  unions  are  firmly 
entrenched  in  the  labor  movement,  and  there  is  little  in- 
dication that  they  are  likely  to  be  superseded  by  their 
rivals.     A  mere  drawing  together  of  the  existing  craft 
organization  will  not  result  in  industrial  unionism,  how- 
ever.   A  welcome  must  also  be  extended  to  the  unskilled 
who  are  not  yet  organized.    The  development  of  a  sense 
of  solidarity  among  the  workers  is  as  slow  and  difficult  as 
it  is  among  other  groups  in  society,  and  it  will  probably 
be  a  good  while  before  the  skilled  crafts  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
are  willing  to  recognize  that  their  interests  are  bound  up 
with  those  of  the  unskilled.     The  breakdown  of  distinc- 
tions between  workers  by  means  of  the  introduction  of 
new  machinery  which  reduces  the  skilled  craftsmen  to  the 
level  of  the  semi-skilled  and  tends  to  displace  the  unskilled 
altogether  is  hastening  the  process,  but  the  spirit  of  craft 
independence  is  still  strong  in  the  American  labor  move- 
ment.   Impatience  with  the  slowness  of  this  development 
will  doubtless  cause  many  new  industrial  unions  to  spring 
up  outside  the  A.  F.  of  L.,  but  in  the  long  run  they  will 
probably  have  less  significance  than  the  gradual  trans- 
formation within  the  Federation. 

The  amalgamation  of  the  diflFerent  craft  bodies  and  the 
inclusion  of  unskilled  workers  who  had  not  hitherto  been 
organized  will  not  necessarily  produce  the  social  convic- 
tions that  we  have  been  describing,  the  loyalty  to  the 
whole  working  class  and  the  belief  in  the  future  control 
of  industry  by  that  class,  but  it  will  help  to  pave  the  way 
for  the  spread  of  such  ideas.    As  has  already  been  pointed 


CONCLUSION 


327 


out,  the  insistent  demand  for  a  voice  in  determining 
working  conditions  which  is  characteristic  of  all  unions, 
whatever  their  structure  or  general  philosophy,  is  part  of 
the  process  of  securing  democratic  control  of  industry. 
These  unions  in  strengthening  and  broadening  the  scope  of 
their  organization  will  unconsciously  be  working  toward 
the  same  ends  which  the  more  radical  unions  are  definitely 
seeking,  and  will  thus  be  taking  part  in  a  real  social  trans- 
formation. With  the  increase  in  power  which  will  come 
from  increased  unity  on  the  part  of  the  workers,  there 
will  probably  come  a  more  widespread  realization  of  the 
direction  in  which  all  of  organized  labor  is  moving. 

Need  of  Recognizing  the  Social  Idealism  of  the  In- 
dustrial Unions 

In  bringing  this  study  to  a  close,  the  writer  must  dis- 
claim any  intention  of  being  dogmatic  in  interpretation  of 
the  facts  presented  or  in  prophesy  about  the  future.    The 
labor  movement  is  a  living  and  growing  thing  and  new 
phases  will  continually  be  developed.     Whether  the  aims 
of  the  industrial  unionists  of  today  will  ever  be  realized 
completely  is  yet  to  be  seen,  but  we  cannot  aflFord  to 
ignore  the  fact  that  they  held  the  loyalty  and  enthusiasm  of 
thousands  of  organized  workers.    Whatever  we  may  con- 
clude as  to  the  probable  success  of  such  an  industrial 
system  as  these  unions  prophesy,   we  must  not   fail  to 
recognize  the  idealism  and  real  social  passion  that  have 
inspired  this  high  hope  for  an  order  where  neither  owner- 
ship of  the  means  of  production  nor  power  over  those 
engaged  in  it  shall  be  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a  few, 
and  where  industry  shall  be  run  primarily  for  the  benefit 
of  the  community  rather  than  for  the  profit  of  individuals. 


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Document,  No.  163.) 
Stowell,  Charles  Jacob.  The  Journeymen  Tailors'  Union  of 
America;  a  Study  in  Trade  Union  Policy.  Urbana,  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois,  1918.  (Studies  in  the  Social  Sciences 
Vol.  7.  No.  4.) 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


331 


Tannenbaum,   Frank.   The   Ubor   Movement;    Its   Conservative 
Functions    and    Social    Consequences.      New    York,    G.    P. 
Putnam's  Sons,  1921. 
Tawney,  R.  H.    The  Acquisitive  Society.    New  York,  Harcourt, 

Brace  &  Co.,  1920. 
United  States,  Anthracite  Coal  Commission.     Reports,  Findings 
and    Awards.      Washington,    Government    Printing    Office, 
1920. 
United  States,  Bituminous  Coal  Commission.    Award  and  Recom- 
mendations.   Washington.  Government  Printing  Office,  1920. 
United   States,   Bureau  of   Education.     The   Problem   of   Adult 

Education  in   Passaic.     (Bulletin  No.  4,   1920.) 
United   States,   Bureau   of   Ubor   Statistics.     Bulletin    No.    198 
Collective    Agreements    in    the    Men's    Clothing    Industry. 
Washington,    1916. 
Bulletin    No.    145.      Conciliation,    Arbitration    and    Sanita- 
tion in  the  Dress  and  Waist  Industry  of  New  York  City. 
Washington,    1914. 

Bulletin    No.    144.      The    Industrial    Court    of    the    Cloak, 

Suit  and  Skirt  Industry  of  New  York  City.     Washington, 
1914. 
United  States,  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations.    Final  Report 
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ditions and  Relations  in  Paterson,  N.  J."    Washington,  1916. 

Report  on  the  Colorado  Strike,  by  G.  P.  West.    Washington, 

191S. 
United  States,  Industrial  Commission.     Report  on  the  Relations 
and  Conditions  of  Capital  and  Ubor  Employed  in  Manufac- 
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of  Ubor." 
United   States  vs.   William   D.   Hayward,  et  al.     Evidence  and 

Cross-Examination  of  William  D.  Hayward. 
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333 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Official  Union  Publications 


Amalgamated  Qothing  Workers  of  America.  Documentary 
History  of  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America. 
Vol.  I,  1914-1916;  Vol.  2,  1916-1918. 

Report  of  the  Executive  Board,    1920. 

Summary  of  the  Clothing  Workers*  Lockout  Situation,  Dec. 

17,    1920,    (typewritten). 

American  Federation  of  Labor.  History,  Encyclopedia,  and 
Reference  Book,  1919. 

Proceedings  of  Annual  Conventions. 

Proceedings   of   the  2nd   Biennial    Convention. 

Railroad    Employees'    Department    Constitution. 

Constitutions  of  unions  under  discussion. 

Ebert,  Justus.  The  Trial  of  a  New  Society.  Cleveland,  I.  W.  W. 
Publishing  Bureau,  1913. 

Ettor,  Joseph.  Industrial  Unionism.  Chicago,  I.  W.  W.  Publish- 
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Evans,  Chris.  History  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America, 
Vol.  1-2.  Indianapolis,  The  United  Mine  Workers  of 
America. 

One  Big  Union  of  All  the  Workers.  Chicago.  I.  W.  W.  (pam- 
phlet). 

Proceedings  of  Annual  or  Biennial  Conventions  of  unions  under 
discussion. 

St.  John,  Vincent.  The  I.  W.  W.,  Its  History,  Structure,  and 
Methods.    Chicago,  The  I.  W.  W.    Rev.,  1919,  (pamphlet). 

Schlueter,  Herman.  The  Brewing  Industry  and  the  Brewery 
Workers'  Movement  in  America.  The  International  Union 
of  United  Brewery  Workmen  of  America,  1910. 

United  Mine  Workers  of  America.  District  12,  Sub-district  4. 
Proceedings  of  the  5th  Semi-Annual  Convention,  Apr.,  1920. 

Working  Agreement  between  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive 
Firemen  and  Engineers.    Rev.,  1918. 


Union  Journals 

Advance.     Organ   of   the   Amalgamated    Clothing   Workers   of 
America. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


333 


Amalgamated    Tobacco   Worker.     Organ   of   the   Amalgamated 

Tobacco  Workers  of  America. 
Auto  Worker.     Organ  of  the  United  Automobile,  Aircraft,  and 

Vehicle  Workers  of  America. 
Brewery,  Flour,  Cereal  and  Soft  Drink  Workers'  Journal.    Organ 

of  the  International  Union  of  United  Brewery,  Flour,  Cereal, 

and  Soft  Drink  Workers  of  America. 
Cigar   Makers'   Official   Journal.     Organ   of   the   Cigar   Makers* 

International  Union.     Report  of  President  Perkins.     April, 

1920. 
Cigar  Worker.     Organ  of  the   Shop   Chairmen's   Institution  of 

New  York  City,  1920. 
Free  Voice.    Organ  of  the  International  Workers  in  the  Amalga- 
mated Food  Industries. 
Fur  Worker.    Organ  of  the  International  Fur  Workers'  Union. 
Headgear  Worker.     Organ  of  the  United   Cloth  Hat  and  Cap 

Makers. 
Industrial    Pioneer.     Organ   of   the   Industrial    Workers   of   the 

World. 
Industrial   Union   News.     Organ  of  the  Workers'  International 

Industrial  Union. 
Industrial  Unionist.     Organ  of  the  New  York  District  Council 

of  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World. 
Justice.     Organ  of  the  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers' 

Union. 
Metal  Worker.     Organ  of  the  Amalgamated  Metal  Workers  of 

America. 
Miners'  Magazine.     Organ  of  the  International  Union  of  Mine, 

Mill,  and  Smelter  Workers  (Western  Federation  of  Miners). 
New    Textile    Worker.      Organ    of    the    Amalgamated    Textile 

Workers  of  America. 
One  Big  Union  Bulletin.    Organ  of  the  One  Big  Union,  Winnipeg. 
One  Big  Union  Monthly.     Organ  of  the  Industrial  Workers  of 

the  World. 
Railroad  Worker.     Organ  of  the  American  Federation  of  Rail- 
road Workers. 
Solidarity.    Organ  of  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World. 
Tailor.    Organ  of  the  Journeyman  Tailors'  Union. 
Textile  Worker.     Organ  of  the   United   Textile   Workers. 
United   Mine    Workers'   Journal.     Organ    of    the    United    Mine 

Workers   of   America. 


I 


f 


334 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Articles  in  Periodicals* 


American  Economic  Review.  Sept.,  1915.  "Amalgamation  of 
Related  Trades  in  American  Trade  Unions."  Theodore  W. 
Glocker. 

Forward  (Boston,  Mass.)  Feb.,  1919.  "The  Truth  about 
Lawrence." 

Harpers'  Magazine,  July,  1918.     "The  Industrial  Workers  of  the 

World."    Robert  Bruere. 
Journal  of  Political  Economy,  Dec.,  1919.    "The  Marine  Workers' 

Affiliation  of  the  Port  of  New  York."    Benjamin  M.  Squires 
Monthly  Labor  Review,  Mar.,  1920.    Report  of  the  Annual  Con- 

vention  of  the  International  Seamen's  Union  of  America 
Nation,    Sept.   27,    1919.     "The   Miners   at    Cleveland."     Heber 

Blankenhorn. 

^^Apr.  24,  1920.     "The  Railway  Men  Get  Action."     George 

Soule. 

May  22,   1920.     "The  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers   in 

Session."    Mary  Heaton  Vorse. 

^'\rfr^^'^  Nov.  12,  1919.    "What  the  Miners  Are  Thinking." 
William  Hard. 

^June  2,  1920.     "Hillman  and  the  Amalgamated."     William 

Hard. 

—  Apr.  13,  1921.    "Inciters  to  Violence."    Winthrop  Une 
New  York   Call,   Dec.   6-8,    1920.     "The   Crisis    in    the   Miners' 

Union."    E.  Williams. 
New  York  Evening  Post,  Nov.  14.   17,  24.  1917;   Dec.  i,  8,  12 

15,  1917;  Feb.  13,  23.  1918;  Mar.  i.  9,  16,  23,  1918;  Apr.  6, 

13,  1918.      Following  the  Trail  of  the  I.  W.  W"     Robert 

Bruere. 

New   York  World,   Feb.   27.    1921.     The   Unemployment   Con- 
ference  m  New  York  City.    C.  M.  Wood 

—  Feb.  8,  ,921.    Thai.  W.  W.    Harold  Lord  Varney. 

Political  Science  Quarterly.  Vol.  28,  pp.  45,-70,  ,9,3.    "Develop- 
ment of  Syndicalism  in  America."    Louis  Uvine 

Socalist  Review,  Apr.-May,   192..     "The  New  Turn  of  the  I 
W.  W."    Art  Shields. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  33J 

Sept.   I,  1920,  "The  Illinois  Miners."     John  W    Love 

""Harold'j.'^l'ski.""""  ''"'"'  '""'""  ^'  ^''''^  *^i-"-" 


with*  Z  "S,*  'i^^j;  Sll'Ll^t'  •  """"""««  ".«  of  .r.icl«  d«lin. 


INDEX 


Adamson  law,  44 
Agreements,  Joint, 
A.  C.  W.,  217-21 
A.  T.  W.,  266-69 
Fur  Workers,  248 
I.  L.  G.  W.  U.,  233-36 
summary,  315-17 
U.  M.  W.,  84-86 
Amalgamation  of  related  trades, 

30-33,  58-60,  325 
American  Federation  of  Labor, 
autonomy  declaration  of,  27- 

28 
craft  basis  of,  19 
departments  of,  37-42 
relations  with  A.  C.  W.,  208 
relations  with  Cloth  Hat  and 

Cap  Makers,  243 
relations  with  W.  F.  M.,  123- 

24, 127-28 
tendencies   toward   industrial 
unionism  in,  27-60 
American  Labor  Union,  124,  145 
Anthracite  Coal  Commission,  104 
Anthracite    Coal    Strike    Com- 
mission (1902),  83 
Automobile,        Aircraft        and 
Vehicle    Workers,    United, 
281-84,  295-99.  301-303 

B 

Bakers  and  Confectioners'  Union 
Journeymen,  287 


Bijur,  Judge,  dismissal  of  suit 
vs.  A.  C.  W.  by,  225 

Bisbee  deportation,  156 

Bituminous  Coal  Commission, 
98,  101-103 

Blacksmiths  and  Helpers, 
Brotherhood  of,  41 

Blankenhorn,  Heber,  97 

Blumenberg,  Organizer,  297 

Body  Brussels  Weavers,  271 

Boilermakers,  Iron  Ship  Builders 
and  Helpers,  Int.  Brother- 
hood of,  41 

Brewers'  Association,  U.  S.,  78 

Brewery  Workers,  United,  61- 
80,  125,  144 

Brophy,  John,  no,  in 

Brown,  Roy,  163,  170 

Bruere,  Robert,  152-53 

Budish  and  Soule,  The  New 
Unionism,  5,  213,  216 

Building  Trades  Alliance,  Struc- 
tural, 38 

Building  Trades  Council, 
National,  38 

Building    Trades    Department, 

38-39 
Burns,  John,  6 

Butte,  dynamiting  at,  133-34 


Car  Workers,  Int.  Association  of, 

278 
Carpenters  and  Joiners,  United 

Brotherhood  of,  33 


337 


338 


INDEX 


Carriage  and  Wagon  Workers' 

Int.  Union,  282 
Check-off,  85,  94-95,  131 
Cigar  Makers'  Int.  Union,  289- 

92 
Class  consciousness,  259,  275-76, 
307-310  (See  also  "Radical 
philosophy  and  aims,"  and 
"Solidarity") 
Class  struggle,   72-73,    121-22, 
147-48,    174,    186,   211-12, 
220,  293-94,  309-12 
Cloak  Makers'  Joint  Board  of 

N.  Y.,  238 
Cloak,   Suit   and   Skirt   Manu- 
facturers'   Protective    Ass. 
of  N.  Y..  235 
Cloth    Hat   and    Cap    Makers, 

United,  242-46 
Clothiers'  Assn.  of  Boston,  222 
Clothing    Manufacturers,     Na- 
tional Industrial  Federation 
of,  221,  224 
Clothing      Workers,      Amalga- 
mated,    54.     205-31,    255, 
270-71,  275 
Coal  Hoisting  Engineers,  89 
Coeur  d'Alene  strike,  120 
Colliery    Workers    other    than 
Miners,    Nat.    Council     of 
(England),  9 
Colorado  coal  strike,  91-92 
Commons,  Prof.,  22,  37 
Contracting  system,  205-206 
Contracts,  attitude  toward,  (See 
also  "Agreements,  Joint") 
I.  W.  W.,  151 
other     independent     unions, 

295-96 
stmimary,  315-17 
U.  B.  W.,  78 


Contracts —  Continujd 

U.  M.  W.,  83-84 

W.  F.  M.,  130-31 
Cooperative  movement,  interest 
in,    229-30,    237,    245-46, 
249,  270,  312-13 
Coopers'  Union,  Nat.,  66-67 
Coronado  case,  95 
Craft  basis, 

reasons  for,  19,  324 

variations  from,  29-33 
Cripple  Creek  struggle,  122 


INDEX 


Damage  suits,  95,  225 

De  Leon,  Daniel,  144,  146,  147, 

175 
Debs,  Eugene,  74,  136,  278 

Democracy,  internal, 
A.  C.  W.,  215-17 
A.  T.  W.,  256^57 
I.  W.  W.,  167-71 
O.  B.  U.,  192-94 
other     independent     unions, 

285-86,  299-306 
summary,  320-21 
U.  M.  W.,  86-87,  111-12,  118 
W.  F.  M.,  136-37 
Democratic  ownership  and  con- 
trol   of    industry,    311-15 
(See  al.-'o  "Radical  philoso- 
phy and  aims") 
Dress  and  Waist  Manufacturers' 

Assn.  of  N.  Y.,  235 
Dunn,  Robert,  274 


339 


Education  Committee,  United, 
249 


Education,  interest  in,  109-11, 
161-62, 230-31,  237-38, 249, 
269 

Efficiency, 

attitude  toward,  152-53,  158- 
63,    226-27,    235-36,    245, 
317-18 
possibility  of  under  workers' 
control,  313-15 

Electrical  Workers,  Brotherhood 
of,  41 

Engineering  Societies,  Federated 
American,  313 

Engineering  Union,  Amal- 
gamated, (England),  12 

Engineers  Amalgamated  So- 
ciety of,  (England),  11 

Et tor,  Joseph,  155 

Everett  tragedy,  156 

F 

Farrington,  President,  100,  104, 

114-16,  117 
Federated  Textile  Unions,  271- 

72 
Federation  of   Labour^  British 

Columbia,  176 
Federation   of    related    trades, 

37-42,  58-60,  271-73,  325 
Federation  of  Textile  Operatives, 

American,  271-72 
Fitzpatrick,  John,  32,  50 
Food  Industries,   Int.  Workers 

in  the  Amalgamated,  287- 

88,  303-304 
Foster,  W.  Z.,  32,  48,  50,  54, 

58-60,  325 
Full  Fashioned  Hosiery  Workers, 

Am.  Fed.  of,  271 
Fur  Workers'  Union,  Int.,  246- 

49 


Garfield,  Fuel  Administrator,  97, 

lOI 

Garment  industry,  characteris- 
tics of,  205-206 

Garment  Workers'  Union,  Int, 
Ladies',  233-40 

Garment  Workers,  United,  207- 
208,  222 

Glocker,  Theodore,  30,  31 

Golden,  President,  274 

Gompers,  President,  45 

Grand  Consolidated  Trade 
Union  (England),  6 


Hard,  Wm.,  226-27 
Harlin,  Robert,  1 1 1 
Hart,  Schaffner  and  Marx  agree- 
ment, 217,  219-20 
Hatters,  United,  243 
Haywood,  Wm.,  125,  126,  153, 

157 

Hillman,  Sidney,  216,  217,  220, 
225,  226 

Hitchman  case,  94 

Hodges,  Frank,  10 

Hoover,  Mr.,  313 

Hotel,  Restaurant,  Lunchroom, 
Club  and  Catering  Indus- 
tries, Int.  Fed.  of,  287 

Howat,  Alexander,  100,  loi 


Idealism,    150,   210,   260,   275- 

76,  327 
Immigration,  attitude   toward, 

237 
Impartial  chairman,   218,   223, 
267 


340 


INDEX 


;  3 


Industrial  form  of  organization, 
reasons  for, 
among  brewery  workers,  64-66 
among  coal  miners,  27,  89 
among  textile  workers,  260-61 
in  general,  19-22 
summary,  323-24 
Industrial  research,  I58~63 
Industrial  unionism, 
definition,  3 
future  of,  322-27 
relation  between  structure  and 

spirit,  321-22 
types  in  U.  S.,  22-24 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World, 
23,     53,     124-25,     143-75, 
200-201,  274-75 
Initiation  fees,  22,  79,  88,  164- 
65,  194,  214,  257,  281,  305- 
306 
Insurgent  strikes,  103-105,  113- 

17 
Internationalism,  156-57 

Interstate  Joint  Agreement,  84- 

86 
Iron,   Steel   and   Tin   Workers, 

Amalgamated  Assn.  of,  55, 

57,58 


Johnston,  President,  47 
Journeymen     Tailors'     Union, 

240-42 
Jurisdictional    disputes,    66-71, 

88-89,  129,  283-84 


Kelley,  Secretary,  285 
Knights  of  Labor,  14-18,  62-64, 
82 


Labour,         Department        of, 

(Canada),  188,  196 
Lace    Operatives    of    America, 

Amalgamated,  271 
Lane,  Winthrop,  94 
Lanier,  Captain,  157 
Lawrence    textile   strikes,    155, 

253-54 

Leiserson,  Dr.,  223 

Lewis,  President,  97,  100,  104, 
no.  III 

Locomotive  Engineers  and  Fire- 
men, Assn.  Soc.  of  (Eng- 
land), 8 

Locomotive  Engineers,  Brother- 
hood of,  44 

Locomotive  Firemen,  Brother- 
hood of,  42,  44 

Logan,  President,  298 

Long,  Cedric,  259,  275 

Longshoremen's        Association, 

Int.,  34-37 
Loomfixers,  Nat.  Association  of, 

272 

Lumber  Workers'  Industrial 
Union,  189-91 


Machinists,  Int.  Association  of, 

32,  39.  41,  128,  284,  285 
Mann,  Tom,  6,  13 
Marine     Engineers'     Beneficial 

Assn.   Mat.,  34 
Marine      Transport     Workers' 

Affiliation,  36 
Marine  Transport  Workers  (I. 

W.  W.),  164-66 
Masters,  Mates  and  Pilots,  Assn. 

of,  34 


INDEX 


341 


Meat     Cutters     and     Butcher 
Workmen  of   N.   America, 
31-32 
Mechanical  Workers'  Union,  272 
Mediation    Commission,    Presi- 
dent's, 153-54 
Membership  figures, 
A.  C.  W.,  209 
Am.  Fed.  of  R.  R.  W.,  281 
A.  Metal  W.,  285 
A.  T.  W.,  264-65 
A.  Tobacco  W.,  289 
I.  W.  W.,  163-64 
Needle   Trades  W.   Alliance, 

232 
O.  B.  U.,  180,  182,  198-99 
U.  A.  A.  and  V.  W.,  282 
U.  B.  W.,  75-77 
U.  M.  W.,  81 
U.  T.  W.,  264-65 
W.  F.  M.,  138-39 
W.  I.  I.  U.,  172-73 
W.  in  Amalg.  Food  Ind.,  288 
Metal  Trades  Department,  39-40 
Metal  Trades,  Federated,  39 
Metal  Workers,  Amalgamated, 

284-85,  300-301 
Metal  Workers,  Brotherhood  of, 

285 
Metal  Workers,  United,  145 
Michaels,  Stern  and  Co.,  222 
Midgley,  Sec.,  179 
Mine,  Mill  and  Smelter  Workers, 
Int.  Union  of  (See  "Wes- 
tern Fed.  of  Miners") 
Mine  Workers,  United,  81-119^ 

197-98 
Miners'   Federation   (England), 

5,8,9-11 
Miners,  Western  Federation  of, 
120-40,  144-46 


Mining  Department,  40 
Mitchell,  John,  84,  88,  127 
Moyer,  President,  123,  124,  125, 

126,  129,  131-36,  137 
Mule  Spinners'  Union,  Int.,  271 
Murray,  Vice-President,  in 
Muste,  A.  J.,  256,  260,  261-62, 

265 


Nationalization  of  mines,  105- 
107,  109-11,312-13 

Needle  Trades  Workers'  Alli- 
ance, 231-33 


One  Big  Union,   74,   109,   134, 

176-201 
Owen,  Robert,  6 


Parker,  Carleton,  149 
Paterson  textile  strike,  262 
Pettibone,  George,  120,  126 
Plumb  Plan,  45,  108,  280 
Preferential    union    shop,    219, 

234,  268 
Pritchard,  W.  A.,  178,  179 
Production    standards,    226-27, 

235-36,  245,  318 
Protocol,  234 


Radical  philosophy  and  aims, 
A.  C.  W.,  210-13 
A.  T.  W.,  259-60 
Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers, 
242 


343 


INDEX 


i 

m 


Radical  philosoiihy— Continued 
English  unions,  6-9,  12,  13 
general  discussion,  4-5,  307- 

I.  L.  G.  W.  U.,  233 

I.  w.  w.,  147-50, 154 

O.  B.  U.,  177-79,  185-87 
other     independent     unions, 

293-95»  298 
U.  B.  W.,  72-75 
U.  M.  W.,  105-14 
W.  F.  M.,  121-27,  131-36 

w.  1. 1,  u.,  174-75 

Railroad  Employees  Depart- 
ment, 40-47,  278-79 

Railroad  Labor  Board,  46 

Railroad  Workers,  Am.  Fed.  of, 
278-81 

Railway  Carmen,  Brotherhood 
of,  41,  278,  281 

Railway  Clerks'  Assn.  (Eng- 
land), 7 

Railway  Clerks,  Brotherhood  of, 

41 

Railway    Employees,    Fed.    of 

Federations  of,  41 
Railway     Employees,     United 

Assn.  of,  49 
Railway      Employees,      United 

Brotherhood  of,  145 
Railway  Union,  American,  277- 

78 
Railwaymen,    Nat.    Union    of, 

(England),  5,  7»  8 
Richardson,  President,  278 
Rigg,  R.  A.,  199 
Rubber  Workers,  Amalgamated, 

33 
Russell.  R.  B.,  180,  184 
Russian    Soviets,    endorsement 

of,  178-79 


Sabotage,  152-53 

St.  John,  Vincent,  146,  163 

Sanitary  Control,  Joint  Board 

of,  234-35 
Sankey  Report,  9,  10 
Schlesinger,  Benjamin,  233 
Schlossberg,  Joseph,   209,   216, 

217,  226 
Schlueter,  Herman,  72,  73 
Seaman's  Union,  Int.,  33-34 
Shea,  President,  48 
Sheet  Metal  Workers,  Amalga- 
mated, 41 
Sherman,  President,  125,  145 
Shop  chairmen,  215,  244,  257, 

299,  301 

Shop     Chairmen's     Institution, 

289-90 
Shop  stewards, 
of       Amalgamated        Metal 

Workers,  300 
of  England,  12,  13 
Silk  ribbon  workers'  agreement, 

266-69 
Silk  Workers,   Associated,  262, 

272,  273 
Socialist  Labor  Party,  87,  114, 

144-47,  175 
Socialist  Labor  Party  of  Great 

Britain,  13 
Socialist  Party,  72,  74.  H5,  H^ 
Socialist     Trades     and     Labor 

Alliance,  144,  145 
Solidarity,  sense  of,  4,  7,  72,  140. 

150,    224,    237,    254,    258, 

260-61,274,325-27 
Sonnenberg  Co.,  226 
Stationary  Firemen,  Int.  Assn. 

of,  89 


INDEX 


343 


Steam  and  Operating  Engineers, 

Int.  Union  of,  36 
Steel  workers,  campaign  for  or- 
ganizing, 50-58 
Steuenberg,  Gov.,  murder  of,  126 
Stevens,  Uriah,  15 
Structure, 

A.  C.  W.,  214-15 

A.  T.  W.,  257-58 

Cloth  Hat  and  Cap  Makers, 

243-44 
Fur  Workers,  246-47 
general  discussion,  3-4,  29-31, 

33 

I.  L.  G.  W.  U.,  238-40 

L  W.  W.,  167-^ 

K.  of  L.,  14-15 

O.  B.  U.,  187-89, 191-93 

other  imions,  299-305 

U.  B.  W.,  64-66,  79-80 

U.  M.  W.,  86-88 

W.  F.  M.,  120 

W.  1,  L  U.,  173 
Swing,  Raymond,  251 
Switchmen's  Union,  41,  46 
Syndicalists,  146,  153 
System  Federations,  43 


Tailors*  Industrial  Union,  241 
Tannenbaum,  Frank,  The  Labor 

Movement,  ^12 
Tapestry  Carpet  Workers,  271 
Tawney,  R.  H.,  The  Acquisitive 

Society,  311 

Teamsters,  Brotherhood  of,  67- 

70 
Technical  experts,  158-62,  315 
Textile  industry,  characteristics, 

251-52 


Textile  Workers,  Amalgamated, 
251-76 

Textile  Workers,  United,  250- 
51,262-63,274 

Thompson,  President,  1 14 

Tobacco  Workers,  Amalga- 
mated, 289-93,  304-305 

Tobacco  Workers'  Union,  Int., 

293 
Trades    and    Labour    Congress 

(Canada),  176,  177,  194,  196 
Trade       Union       Educational 

League,  59-60 
Transport  Workers'  Federation, 

National  (England),  6,  7 
Trautmann  faction  of  I.  W.  W., 

125 
Triple  Alliance  (England),  5,  8, 

10,  II 
Typographical  Union,  Int.,  32 


Unemployment,  attitude  to- 
ward, 159-^,  227,  236-37 

Unemployment  Conference  of 
Greater  N.  Y.,  159 


Vancouver  Trades  and  Labour 
Council,  180 


Waist  and  Dress  Makers'  Union 

of  N.  Y.,  239-40 
Wenneis,  Gen.  Sec.,  247 
West  Virginia  coal  struggle,  93- 

94 


344 

INDEX 

1 

Western  Interprovincial  Labour 

Winnipeg 

strike, 

183-85 

Conference  (Canada), 

177 

Workers' 

International 

Indus- 

Western  Labor  Union,  123, 

144 

trial 

Union, 

H7, 

172-75, 

Williams,  Enoch,  109,  112  195 


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